Warning: the article presented below contains graphic details of torture and murder that some readers may find distressing.
The main thrust of the article presented below was already the focus of an 2014 article which I posted in 2019, Children accused of witchcraft: abuse cases on the rise in UK. More than ten year after the publication of the first-mentioned article there is reason to again draw attention to this terrifying phenomenon. It is difficult to imagine that in our immediate environment children are abused, tortured, and sometimes killed because of the belief in witchcraft of the adult perpetrators, sometimes close relatives.
It all began with the discovery of the mutilated torso of a young boy floating in the river Thames, in 2001. The police gave him the name ‘Adam’ and under this name the poor victim became known worldwide. I have covered in much detail the horrific and sickening discovery and the harrowing story behind it. See my posts entitled The unsolved case of the torso in the Thames, Part I (dated March 25, 2019), Part II (March 27, 2019) and Part III (March 28, 2019).
Unfortunately, the case of ‘Adam’ does not stand alone as the article below amply demonstrates.
We must all be vigilant in identifying signs of child abuse and other crimes promptly and bringing them to the immediate attention of the authorities and relevant agencies. Vulnerable individuals in our society, such as young children, deserve a normal, loving life, free from threats and pain. (webmaster FVDK)
The disturbing evidence that witchcraft is spreading across Britain unchecked… 30 years after discovery of horrific voodoo-style murder should have ended it for good
Published: February 26, 2026 By: Aidan Radnedge and Nick Pyke, The Daily Mail
A quarter of a century has passed since the death of eight-year-old Victoria Climbie and the shocking realisation that voodoo-style murder and abuse were taking hold in the capital of a modern, affluent democracy.
Victoria met a horrific end. Tortured, beaten with implements including coat hangers and a bike chain, deliberately scalded and forced to sleep in a bin liner in a freezing bathroom, she finally died of multiple organ failure at the age of eight. Her tiny body, weighing just 3st 10lb, was marked by 128 separate injuries.
Her ‘crime’? The girl was said by relatives to have been possessed by ‘kindoki’, or evil spirits, requiring exorcism by a pastor and justifying a campaign of sadistic violence.
The killing in 2000 and the public enquiry that followed should have been seismic: a warning to the public and politicians that, however improbable, belief in witchcraft was emerging as a fact of life in Britain.
Yet today, despite the horror of Victoria’s death and subsequent cases, there is disturbing evidence that ritual violence – involving beliefs and practices overwhelmingly imported from abroad – is continuing to spread unchecked.
The latest official figures show a huge increase in the number of children identified as potential victims of abuse ‘linked to faith or belief’, a category including claims of witchcraft and spirit possession.
Analysis released late last year by the Local Government Association, representing councils and their social services departments in England, found there had been 2,180 cases of possible faith-linked abuse in 2024, a disturbing 49 per cent increase in the seven years since 2017.
Moreover, the true scale of the problem could be significantly worse amid fears that ritual abuse is routinely under-reported because social workers and others wish to avoid being labelled racist.
Among the most notorious cases was eight-year-old Victoria Climbié, tortured to death in 2000 by relatives who believed she was possessed
With motives ranging from ignorance and fear to the demented belief that human sacrifice confers supernatural protection, and even wealth, the cases that do reach the public eye are harrowing, the majority with links to sub-Saharan Africa.
A recent documentary film, Kindoki Witch Boy, tells the story of Mardoche Yembi, who had been sent from the Democratic Republic of Congo to live with his aunt and uncle in North London.
At the age of 12, Mardoche was branded a witch by relatives, accused of bringing bad luck and subjected to two months of traumatic exorcisms. The film is now available on YouTube.
An even more disturbing case took place on Christmas Day in 2010, when 15-year-old Kristy Bamu was beaten and drowned by his sister and her boyfriend in the London borough of Newham after being accused of ‘kindoki’, like Victoria Climbie.
Kristy endured four days of torture with knives, sticks, metal bars, a hammer and pliers. He drowned after being forced into a bath for ritual cleansing. Kristy’s siblings were also beaten but survived because they ‘confessed’ to being witches.
Magalie Bamu, then 29, and her partner Eric Bikubi, 28 – both Congolese – were jailed for life in 2012.
In sentencing them, the judge said: ‘The belief in witchcraft, however genuine, cannot excuse an assault to another person, let alone the killing of another human being.’
There are accusations of ‘possession’ in other cultures, too, with cases of abuse reported in Christian, Hindu and Muslim families, where some still believe in the idea of evil spirits known as ‘djinns’.
Just days before Kristy’s Bamu’s murder, Shayma Ali strangled then disembowelled her four-year-old daughter with a kitchen knife during a frenzied attempt to exorcise the girl.
Ali, who had gouged out the eyes of her daughter’s dolls to prevent them ‘seeing evil’, was sent to a mental hospital.
In 2005, two women were jailed at the Old Bailey after being convicted of child cruelty for torturing and threatening to kill an orphaned child refugee from Angola whom they claimed was a witch.
The Old Bailey was told that the girl, known only as Child B, was starved, cut with a knife, beaten with a belt and a shoe and had chilli peppers rubbed in her eyes to drive ‘the devil out of her’.
At one point, the eight-year-old was bundled into a zip-up laundry bag and told she would be ‘thrown away’ into a river. She was rescued after being found in her bare feet, shivering, outside a council house in Hackney.
The cleansing power of water, whether in a bathtub or a river, is a common element in African witchcraft rituals. In 2001, a young boy – later given the name Adam by the police – was pulled from the Thames after a passer-by spotted his mutilated torso floating near Tower Bridge.
His head, arms and legs had been removed in what detectives believe was a ritual killing, potentially as a sacrifice or in a ‘muti’ ceremony, in which body parts are taken in the belief they produce potent magical remedies.
The boy, aged between four and seven and found wearing only a pair of orange shorts, had recently arrived from Nigeria.
Britain’s leading rituals expert, Dr Richard Hoskins, brought into advise on the case, concluded that Adam was a victim of human sacrifice.
Victoria Climbié had been sent to England by her parents who hoped she would gain a better education than in her native Ivory CoastVictoria’s parents set up the Victoria Climbié Foundation following her death, campaigning for improvements to child protection in the UK
His 2012 book on the subject, The Boy in the River was serialised in The Mail on Sunday and is now scheduled to be dramatised as a feature film.
Dr Hoskins concluded that the boy had been trafficked to London, speculating that he was butchered while drugged but conscious by a ‘babalawo’ witchdoctor using rituals from the Yoruba people Osagiede of south-west Nigeria.
In Yoruban religion, wrote Dr Hoskins, ‘deities forming a bridge between this world and higher realms require sacrifice.
‘Not necessarily human sacrifice, of course, and especially not nowadays, but the practice persists in some deviant offshoots.’
In 2002, a Nigerian woman called Joyce Osagiede told Glasgow social workers that she had married a member of a cult called The Black Coat Eyes Of The Devil Guru Maharaj.
When later interviewed by British police in Lagos, she said she had been a cult organiser and had bought a pair of orange-red shorts similar to those found on Adam. She added: ‘I know he was killed in Lewisham.’
Osagiede later claimed to an ITV journalist that she had brought Adam to London and that his real name was Ikpomwosa. No one has ever been charged with his murder.
Yet it is the fate of Victoria Climbié that today remains the most notorious case of witchcraft abuse and killing in this country.
Victoria had been sent to England by her parents to gain a better education than in her native Ivory Coast but found only misery and death.
Victoria Climbié was starved, tortured, beaten with bike chains and kept prisoner in a freezing bathroom by her great-aunt Marie Therese Kouao and her partner Carl Manning (pictured)Marie-Therese Kouao (left), Victoria Climbié’s great-aunt, was complicit in her murder
Her great-aunt Marie Therese Kouao and her partner Carl Manning were jailed for life in 2001, convicted of murder and child cruelty.
The case was followed by a major public enquiry under Lord Laming which, in turn led to an overhaul of child protection measures in the UK, including the landmark 2004 Children Act.
Even now, ritual violence receives all-too-little attention, says Lancaster University’s Professor Charlotte Baker, who is co-director of the International Network Against Accusations of Witchcraft and Ritual Attacks.
‘If you spoke to many people about this issue, they’d think it was something from about 1,400 years ago,’ she told The Daily Mail last week.
‘Many schoolteachers might feel they shouldn’t ‘go there’, if they suspect something is taking place because they’re not comfortable handling such issues.
‘This needs to be treated seriously, disclosures need to be treated seriously – and the right questions need to be asked.
‘The UK must improve and make sure that anyone who does speak up to make disclosures about this abuse being carried out are taken seriously and responded to professionally.’
Former Conservative MP Tim Loughton, children’s minister in David Cameron’s coalition government and later chairman of the Home Affairs Select Committee, had his own experience of trying to combat ritual abuse.
Victoria’s parents Berthe and Francis are pictured at her grave in Kensal Rise Crematorium in London, along with daughter Joelle, in 2003 on the third anniversary of Victoria’s deathA boy named Adam’s head, arms and legs were removed in what detectives believe was a ritual ‘muti’ killing – his torso was discovered in the River Thames near Tower Bridge in 2001
‘The particular problem [at the time] was among communities of migrants from places such as the Congo, which were very closed communities, mostly but not exclusively in London, with very evangelical Christian church settings,’ he recalls.
‘There were very strange practices, all connected with voodoo – abusing children in attempts to drive the devil out of them and all this sort of nonsense.’
During his time in office, he launched a task force on faith-based child abuse, but he fears that official attention has now slipped.
Rohma Ullah, director of the National FGM (Female Genital Mutilation) Centre – which also tackles what it refers to as witchcraft and spirit possession abuse – is among those who believe frontline staff are wary of raising the alarm.
‘Witchcraft and spirit possession are among the most poorly understood areas in child protection,’ she says. ‘That’s really concerning and alarming. We know the data is not good enough and that professionals don’t know how to act. They don’t know what to do.
‘Professionals are anxious about discussing someone’s faith or beliefs because it’s very personal.
‘They fear being accused of being racist, for example – and so questions don’t get asked and opportunities get missed.’
She says that teachers as well as social workers should be alert to signs of abuse – such as, for example, a child appearing tired through having to pray all night to be rid of a devil inside them, or losing weight because food is being withheld at home.
15-year-old Kristy Bamu was beaten and drowned on Christmas Day 2010 by his sister and her boyfriend in east London after being accused of being a witchFollowing the murder, Magalie Bamu (left) and Eric Bikubi (right) were jailed for life
‘I would say the situation is fragmented,’ she continues. ‘Social workers are skilled in safeguarding, teachers are skilled in educating, police officers are skilling in preventing and addressing crime – but they also need to be equipped with specialist knowledge on this particular issue.’
Ms Ullah suggests the current figures, disturbing as they are, ‘probably don’t reflect the true prevalence of something that’s very hidden.’
She believes allegations of witchcraft and spirit possession receive too little attention when abusers to court and suggests they should be flagged as aggravating features when the perpetrators are sentenced.
And witchcraft has now been included for the first time in new toughened-up Crown Prosecution Guidance, published today in a bid to tackle ‘honour’-based abuse, forced marriage and other abuses.
Newly included in guidance for prosecutors are practices such as dowry abuse, immigration-related exploitation, transnational marriage abandonment and spiritual or ritualistic abuse linked to beliefs in witchcraft, spirit possession or demonic influence.
While there is no standalone withcraft-related offence, the Home Office said: ‘Prosecutors must treat these cases as serious criminality within the wider context of harmful practices and “honour”-based abuse, assessing which offences may apply on a case-by-case basis.’
Baljit Ubhey, CPS director of policy, said: ‘Our updated guidance equips prosecutors to identify emerging patterns of abuse, understand the wider context in which it occurs, and take swift, effective action to safeguard victims and bring perpetrators to justice.’
It is not as if we haven’t been warned. It is more than a decade since the United Nations reported: ‘Hundreds of children have been abducted from their families in Africa and trafficked to the UK, especially London. Many are raped and sexually abused.’
Commenting in The Mail on Sunday at the time, Dr Hoskins went further, arguing that ‘London has become the hub, the epicentre for a global trafficking enterprise involving thousands of children for exploitation, sexual abuse and even, in some unspeakable cases, ritual voodoo killing…’
‘There is a vast reservoir of lost children gathering in our own capital anonymously shuffled from flat to shabby flat – a dark pool feeding child exploitation and misery across the planet.’
Today’s evidence suggests that, chillingly, this terrible picture might now be darker still.
Superstition is the common denominator of both ritual murder and belief in witchcraft. Both phenomena are likely to occur in all countries in Sub-Saharan Africa.
In the past, I have extensively discussed (accusations of) witchcraft here, citing cases in a large number of SSA countries: Angola, DRC, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Liberia, Nigeria, Tanzania, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The fact that not all SSA countries are mentioned on this site is more a result of underreporting than of the phenomenon not occurring in the SSA countries not mentioned.
The article below is a worthwhile report on the causes and consequences of accusations of witchcraft in Ghana: worth reading but painful to read about what people can do to each other. The most vulnerable in society are often the victims: vulnerable, elderly women and young children. I am reminded of the sad case of the 90-year-old woman who was lynched in Ghana in 2000, accused of witchcraft (also mentioned by the author in the article below). Unfortunately, there are many more cases, some of which, as mentioned, are reported on this site. Terrible.
The author of the article below, Claire Thomas, an award-winning Welsh photojournalist and fine-art photographer, is to be commended for her thorough research into witchcraft in Ghana and the resulting reporting. Yesterday, I highlighted Leo Igwe’s excellent work in this area. These abuses (read: crimes) can never be given enough attention, and never enough action to eradicate them forever. (webmaster FVDK)
The women banished as witches in West Africa
Claire Thomas reports on the women banished from their communities after being accused of being witches
Published: February 13, 2026 By: Claire Thomas – Geographical, U.K.
In a remote part of West Africa, centuries-old superstitions continue to condemn women accused of witchcraft to exile. A landmark bill offers hope — but can justice overcome belief?
Report and photographs by Claire Thomas
From ghouls and goblins to fairies and ogres, mythical creatures have long stirred the imaginations of children. Tales of wizards and witches – one often symbolising wisdom and power, the other evil and danger – remain especially enduring, kept alive through books, films and folklore. But in northern Ghana, witches aren’t confined to fairy tales. Belief in witchcraft remains widespread and deeply entrenched there, with devastating consequences, particularly for women.
This belief can be deadly. In July 2020, 90-year-old Akua Denteh was brutally lynched in a public market after being accused of witchcraft. Her killing, filmed and widely circulated, shocked the nation and galvanised calls for legal reform. Her death became a symbol of the deadly intersection of superstition and gender-based violence.
To be accused of witchcraft in Ghana is to face exile, persecution and even death. These accusations – often directed at older, vulnerable women – can be triggered by personal misfortunes: the death of a relative, failed crops, illness or jealousy over a woman’s independence. Even a child’s success at school can spark suspicions of a mother’s spell. For those deemed guilty, banishment to one of northern Ghana’s six so-called ‘witch camps’ is often the only means of survival.
I first visited the Gambaga ‘witch camp’, located in Ghana’s North East Region, in 2008, and returned in 2012. There, I witnessed first-hand the stark realities the women endure. While interviewing one elderly woman, I asked if she believed she was a witch. Before she could respond, my translator, who was related to the local chief, interjected: ‘Of course she’s a witch. Why else would she be here?’ The question was never translated. Her answer was lost – her voice dismissed before it could even be heard.
The settlement – a cluster of round mud huts with thatched roofs in Ghana’s semi-arid savannah – offers fragile protection: safety from attack, but no escape from the stigma of being branded a witch.
Matis Awola, a widow in her late 50s, sits outside her hut in Gambaga to which she was banished after a man claimed to have seen her in a dream
Accusations often lead to a traditional ‘trial’ – a ritual involving the slaughter of a chicken or guinea fowl, with the manner of its death interpreted as spiritual evidence. But in many cases, the accusation alone is enough to seal a woman’s fate. Regardless of the ritual’s outcome, she may be cast out by her community, her judgment delivered not by spirits, but by neighbours.
When I returned to northern Ghana in May 2025, I met Matis Awola, a widow who had been banished from her home just a month earlier. For her, a man’s dream became a living nightmare.
‘A man saw me in a dream and the next day I was accused of being a witch,’ she tells me. ‘I went to the bush and wanted to kill myself.’
In April 2025, her son brought her to Gambaga, where she now lives in a tiny, windowless hut among about 80 other accused women. She survives by working on a local farm in exchange for food, clinging to the hope that she might one day return to her family.
Life in the camps is marked by relentless hardship. The women live in poverty and bear the burden of societal rejection, often ostracised even by their own families. They sleep on dirt floors in makeshift huts, relying on sparse donations from NGOs, churches or well-wishers. Access to clean water, healthcare and food is unreliable. Children who accompany their mothers or grandmothers are often bullied in school or pulled into street work, stigmatised as ‘witches’ children’.
Bachalbanueya has spent more than 40 years in exile. Now in her 80s, she sits quietly outside her crumbling mud-brick hut. She was banished after her husband’s co-wife accused her of witchcraft following his death – grief weaponised into a lifetime of isolation.
‘She had no children of her own,’ explains Reverend Gladys Lariba Mahama, a Presbyterian minister who has supported the women of Gambaga camp since 1997. ‘Whenever a child of the co-wife fell sick, they [the family] attributed it to her. Later, she was accused of causing the death of one of them, and she was brought to Gambaga.’
Stories like hers are tragically common. ‘It is violence against women – a demonisation of women,’ says Professor John Azumah, executive director of the Sanneh Institute in Accra, which has long supported survivors and is part of a coalition pushing for legal reform.
Even in Western usage, the term ‘witch hunt’ reflects long-standing cultural beliefs that associate witches with evil, and overwhelmingly with women. While men can also be accused, accusations most often target women. Witchcraft itself isn’t always seen as evil, Azumah explains, but when it’s believed to reside in a woman, it becomes feared and condemned. Male witches, by contrast, are often thought to use their powers for good.
Most of the women banished to camps are among society’s most vulnerable. ‘These women are the poorest of the poor,’ says Azumah. ‘They have no child or relatives well-off enough to speak for them – that’s why they’re languishing there. Women with educated children – those children get their mothers out. But these women have no-one. They are truly the voiceless.’
The women gather at the Community Centre in Gambaga
Lamnatu Adam, executive director of Songtaba, a women’s rights organisation in northern Ghana, echoes this view. ‘When men are spiritually strong, it’s said they use their power to protect the community and family,’ she says. ‘But when women are thought to be spiritually strong, it’s said they use it to cause harm, illness and disaster.’
As a result, women – particularly older women – disproportionately bear the burden of accusation and exile. ‘About 90 per cent of the women who are accused are over 60 years old and without education,’ says Adam. ‘They are very poor. Most don’t have children, and about 80 per cent are widows.’
Azumah traces the pattern of accusations to a blend of spiritual belief and calculated social exclusion. ‘It’s the oldest conspiracy theory of humankind,’ he says. ‘And it is a form of misogyny.’ Even a woman’s success, such as a bountiful harvest, can provoke jealousy. ‘They accuse her just to get her out of the community, then they take over her land.’
Sometimes, the danger comes from within the family. ‘Young men may genuinely believe their mothers are sabotaging their lives,’ he adds. ‘They truly believe it.’ In the end, he says, it’s scapegoating, ‘a conspiracy theory that has been used – and still is’.
Refuge or prison?
There are now around six unofficial ‘witch camps’ remaining in northern Ghana, situated near remote villages such as Gambaga, Kpatinga, Gnani and Kukuo. While these settlements may offer refuge from immediate danger, they also stand as stark reminders of social exclusion and the unresolved injustice the women continue to face.
As Professor Azumah puts it: ‘The camps are neither a refuge nor a prison, they are something in between.’
There are no fences or gates, yet most women don’t feel free to leave. Many believe that returning home would bring illness, misfortune or even death. Some were violently attacked before fleeing; others were quietly cast out by relatives seeking to rid the family of perceived spiritual danger.
‘There are no physical barriers keeping the women inside,’ says Professor Azumah. ‘But cultural and psychological ones are deeply entrenched. The women are made to believe that if they leave the camp, the spirits will kill them.’
Fusheina, a widow and mother of five, has lived in the Gnani camp in Ghana’s Northern Region for the past six years. She was accused of witchcraft by the chief of her village after the sudden death of her nephew. Expelled immediately, she now lives alone. ‘I’m not happy because my children are not with me,’ she says sorrowfully. ‘I just want to go home.’ But returning is not an option – she fears the villagers would harm her.
Life in the camp is extremely difficult, Fusheina adds. ‘There is no work. We don’t have a farm here, so we have no way of earning money.’ She hasn’t seen her children in more than two years.
While witchcraft accusations are common across Ghana, and many other countries, the practice of banishing women to isolated camps is less prevalent. ‘[Belief in] witchcraft is not just a Ghanaian thing,’ explains Professor Azumah. ‘It’s very strong in Nigeria, in East Africa, Tanzania, South Africa. What is unique about Ghana is the camps in the north.’
Despite being established to provide a place of refuge for vulnerable women, there are reports of exploitation and abuse within the camps. ‘I don’t call it a refuge,’ stresses Professor Azumah. ‘These are places of exploitation – the women there are exploited. Some of them are sexually abused, physically molested.’
Some women are forced to work without pay, fetching water or farming for community leaders and priests. There are credible reports of sexual abuse, and in at least one documented case, a priest fathered children with multiple women in a camp, according to Professor Azumah.
‘People are making money out of it,’ he adds. ‘It has become an industry – it is a huge business for people there. The women are used for free labour by the community leaders in the rainy season – they make them go and cultivate their farms. They do all the work manually and all they get is whatever food they can give them there to eat that day to do the work, that’s all. They are not paid anything.’
Even humanitarian aid doesn’t always reach its intended recipients. Community leaders – who often control the camps – have been accused of diverting food and money for personal use.
Chief of Gnani village, Mohammed Abdulai, in talks with Lamnatu Adam, of Songtaba, a women’s rights advocacy group
‘These are not safe havens,’ says Azumah. ‘They are places where society has abandoned its most vulnerable.’
In Gambaga, the Presbyterian Church has worked for decades to help restore dignity and agency, says Reverend Gladys Lariba Mahama. ‘In the past, when women were banished, no-one asked about them,’ she says. ‘But because of the church’s intervention, people now know them, and the whole world knows their story.’
‘This place [Gambaga camp] was established out of love and sympathy,’ she continues. Referring to the camp as a ‘home’, Reverend Gladys explains that it was founded decades ago when a local religious leader intervened to protect women accused of witchcraft. ‘Whenever they were accused, they would send them to the execution field to kill them. So this man – he was the imam of Gambaga – pleaded that they come here instead.’
Since the early 1960s, the Presbyterian Church of Ghana has supported the women by providing food, second-hand clothing and helping to repair their modest homes. ‘Around 1994, the church saw that they could do more,’ explains Reverend Gladys. ‘So they came up with a proposal – the main purpose was to reintegrate the women into their original communities, ensure their health needs are met, send their children to school and make life more comfortable for them here.’
The women of Gambaga camp clearly trust Reverend Gladys. As she moves through the settlement she greets the women by name, exchanging warm smiles and translating their stories with care.
‘We are here every morning,’ she tells me as an elderly woman approaches her with a gentle smile and a handshake. ‘We’re working hard now on the reintegration programme. Many women travel home to visit and return. Some of their family members even come here to see them.’
Still, stigma remains. For most of the women, their families refuse to visit.
Gambaga’s central location – at the heart of the village rather than tucked away – offers a greater degree of community integration. ‘They’re well integrated into Gambaga and the surrounding communities,’ says Reverend Gladys. ‘Sometimes, because of the humiliation and trauma they’ve endured, when you ask the women if they want to go home, some will say no.’
The cost of going home
Reintegration comes at a cost – both symbolic and financial. For the few women who eventually return, sometimes years or even decades after being accused, the process depends on a traditional ‘cleansing’ ritual intended to absolve them of alleged witchcraft. Performed by spiritual leaders, it typically involves the slaughter of a ram and a chicken, and can cost more than 1,000 Ghanaian cedis (around US$100).
But even with support, reintegration is far from straightforward. In many cases, no amount of spiritual absolution or mediation is enough to convince families or communities to accept a woman back. ‘Most of the communities say even the exorcism – we don’t believe in it, because once a witch, forever a witch,’ says Professor Azumah. ‘They [the communities] believe in the diagnosis, but not the cure. When the same priest declares a woman a witch, they believe him. But when he says, “I can perform a ritual to free her of the spirit,” they don’t believe that part.’
In Gambaga, the church often steps in. ‘When a woman wants to try to return home, we work on it,’ says Reverend Gladys. ‘But first she has to go through purification.’
For Ama Somani, a mother of eight, the church’s support changed everything. ‘I wanted death because it was too painful,’ she says, recalling her exile. She had been accused by her niece, who blamed her for a mysterious illness. A traditional ritual involving the slaughter of a guinea fowl found her guilty. With no one to defend her – her husband, a landlord in their community, remained absent – Ama spent four years in Gambaga, isolated and uncertain.
In April 2025, with help from the Presbyterian Church, she was finally reintegrated into her extended family in a nearby village. The church provided food rations and negotiated her return. Life remains difficult, she says, but she is overjoyed to be reunited with her children and loved ones.
Alongside the church, Professor Azumah and the Sanneh Institute, together with NGOs and human rights advocates, have worked tirelessly to reintegrate accused women across northern Ghana.
‘Sometimes the accuser has died, or the situation in the village has changed, and the woman can safely return,’ explains Azumah. ‘Sometimes the community or family regrets the accusation. They admit it came from jealousy or envy. They want the woman to come back. But first, she has to pay what I call the “discharge fee” – the cost of rituals to release her.’
These rituals, he adds, are what keep many women trapped. ‘Most can’t afford them. So even when they could return safely, they’re stuck because they can’t pay for the ceremony that would set them free.’ In some cases, as NGOs have stepped in to help, community leaders have raised prices, hoping donors will cover the costs. ‘They’ve inflated the fees astronomically,’ says Azumah. ‘And so, the cycle continues.’
Calling on Ghana’s president to sign the Anti-Witchcraft Bill during a Mother’s Day event at the Gnani camp
Despite these obstacles, organisations such as ActionAid Ghana and Songtaba have helped reintegrate hundreds of women. ‘Overall, we’ve reintegrated not less than 600 people into their communities over the past 15 years,’ says Esther Boateng, ActionAid Ghana’s regional manager for the Northern, Northeast and Savannah regions. ‘We identify their home communities, engage families and involve the entire community – the same community that accused them.’
In 2014, ActionAid worked with the Ministry of Gender to shut down the Bonyasi camp in the Central Gonja District after successfully reintegrating all of its residents. ‘We had to ensure their safety, so we combined community sensitisation, radio education and events like Mother’s Day celebrations to build acceptance,’ says Boateng. ‘We even built houses for some women returning home. It was a fully integrated programme, and today, Bonyasi camp no longer exists.’
Spirits, sickness and superstition
The persistence of witchcraft accusations in Ghana can’t be understood without acknowledging the deep-rooted belief in spirits, possession and supernatural causality – beliefs that shape how many Ghanaians interpret illness, misfortune and conflict.
During a visit to the stilt village of Nzulezu in Ghana’s Western Region in 2012, I witnessed just how deeply these convictions are held. One night, the wooden platform beneath me shuddered, waking me from sleep. Under a moonlit sky, I stepped outside the homestay hut and onto the creaking boardwalk. Across the water, silhouetted figures had gathered. Women wailed and chanted, a plume of smoke rising among them. A small child, wrapped in a blanket, was being passed gently from one person to another.
Curious and concerned, I asked what was happening. I was told the child had been possessed by an evil spirit.
Later, a man approached and asked if I could help. Unsure what to say, I suggested we take the child to the hospital to be tested for malaria. ‘No, no,’ he replied, shaking his head. ‘We need to take out the evil spirit.’ The ritual continued through the night.
Wuriche Bajimoin prepares dawadawa, a traditional West African seasoning made from locust bean seeds, in Gambaga camp
The next morning, I saw a relative of the boy and asked how he was doing. With a broad smile of relief, the man said, ‘He’s much better.’ I asked what had been wrong with him. ‘Malaria!’ he answered.
This brief encounter has stayed with me for years. It revealed how central spiritual explanations are to daily life, and how illness and affliction are often viewed through a supernatural lens. In that context, it becomes easier to understand how, in moments of unexplained tragedy or fear, suspicion turns towards someone believed to possess malevolent power. Often, that someone is an older woman without protection.
Belief in witchcraft is very strong, Professor Azumah tells me. ‘Medical doctors believe it; police officers believe it. Even judges believe it.’
Hope, and a way forward
What has struck me most on each visit to the camps of northern Ghana is the remarkable resilience of the women who live there. Despite the extreme hardship and the isolation of exile – not just from society, but often from their own families – the women maintain a quiet strength. Even in the face of rejection and poverty, the joyful spirit so beautifully woven into Ghanaian culture endures. ‘Happiness is free,’ one woman told me with a smile.
Now, for the first time in years, there is a glimmer of hope. In March 2025, Ghana’s parliament reintroduced a landmark piece of legislation: the Anti-Witchcraft Bill. If passed, it would outlaw the naming or accusing of someone as a witch, criminalise the spiritual consultations that often lead to accusations, hold ritual practitioners legally accountable and empower police and social workers to intervene. Crucially, it also lays the groundwork for reintegration programmes to support survivors returning to society.
The bill had previously passed parliament in July 2023 as an amendment to the Criminal Offences Act, 1960, but Ghana’s former president refused to sign it into law. Reintroduced under a new administration, the bill is now scheduled for debate – what campaigners describe as a final, pivotal opportunity for change.
According to the bill, its primary objective is ‘to address the unfortunate beliefs and thinking in some communities that make Madam Akua Denteh’s case possible’. Her brutal murder in 2020 sparked national outrage and galvanised public support for reform.
The bill acknowledges that belief in witchcraft is not unique to Ghana. It cites England’s 1735 Witchcraft Act, which criminalised accusing someone of magical powers, and underscores the importance of public education and cultural transformation. ‘Now witchcraft isn’t illegal in the UK, but the level of enlightenment is such that witchcraft is generally viewed with amusement, if not ridicule.’
An exiled young woman in Gambaga camp
Civil society organisations, including ActionAid Ghana, Songtaba and the Sanneh Institute, have long advocated for these reforms, leading public awareness campaigns and pushing for legal protection of accused women. Amnesty International has also urged parliament to pass the bill without delay, warning that continued inaction leaves hundreds of women at risk of violence and abuse.
While many are hopeful that the current president will sign the bill if passed again, doubts persist. ‘It’s not a vote winner,’ says Professor Azumah.
Even after the widespread condemnation that followed Akua Denteh’s murder, resistance to reform remains entrenched. ‘We have our own conspiracy theories,’ Azumah says in response to the previous president’s refusal to sign the bill. ‘We believe there are powerful religious figures and some chiefs working behind the scenes to block it.’
Those fears haven’t disappeared. ‘That’s our concern with the current president, too,’ he continues. ‘If the bill is passed again and those chiefs and religious leaders start to pressure him behind closed doors, we might never even know. Politicians want votes. And they fear that pushing this through could hurt them in the next election.’
Among advocates, there is cautious optimism. Passing the bill is only the beginning. Real change will require coordinated implementation, sustained funding and a long-term commitment from both the government and civil society.
A child at the Gambaga camp. Children often accompany their mother or grandmothers into exile and are vulnerable to exploitation, with some reports of sexual abuse. They also face stigma and bullying at school, leading many to drop out
Even the bill itself acknowledges these challenges: ‘Legislation on such a subject may not immediately eliminate the problem, but it provides an awareness and a deterrent, which, if handled with the requisite public education and sensitisation, can eradicate the practice.’
‘I think the passage of the legislation will significantly reduce the accusations,’ says Professor Azumah. ‘And over time, it will die out.’
‘The accusation is the beginning of everything,’ he adds. ‘If we stop it at the source, we can begin to address the issue. We’re not going to relent. We will keep pushing until this bill becomes law.’
A nation at a crossroads
Ghana now stands at a crossroads. The debate over the Anti-Witchcraft Bill is not only about superstition, but also about women’s rights, state responsibility and the power of law to reshape cultural norms.
For survivors like Bachalbanueya, the bill may come too late to restore what was lost. But whether Ghana chooses to act now, or allows fear and silence to prevail, will determine not only the fate of women like her, but the moral direction of the nation itself.
Ex-inmates Ismail Lasisi and Lukman Adeyemi spent 24 years in prison for the ritual killing of a woman they knew nothing about.
The following story is a horror story. The rule of law in Nigeria shows, to say the least, flaws. The two key persons in this article, Ismael Lasisi and Lukman Adeyemi, were arrested and detained in 2000, severely tortured by law enforcers (sic!) and sentenced to death in 2009 – but were released this year, in 2024.
Their painful and harrowing experience teaches us a lesson: to be careful with our judgements and always check facts.
On the positive side: Nigerians have donated N1m to the two former inmates. I sincerely hope that the two wrongfully jailed Nigerians will recover and that they will be able to re-build their lives despite the 24 wasted years. (FVDK)
Some information on Oyo State where it all happened.
Oyo State is located in the South West geopolitical zone of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The Federal Republic of Nigeria is divided into six geopolitical zones commonly called zones.
Ibadan is Oyo State’s capital and its most populous city, and Nigeria’s third (after Lagos and Kano). It’s population is estimated at close to 4 million people whereas in its metropolitan area an estimated 6 million people live, mainly Yoruba but also Igbo, Hausa, Edo and Ibibio from other parts of Nigeria.
Nigerians donate N1m for ex-inmates wrongfully jailed 24 years over ritual murder
Published: July 28, 2024 By: Enitan Daramola – Punch, Nigeria
Well-meaning Nigerians have donated at least one million naira on behalf of ex-inmates Ismail Lasisi and Lukman Adeyemi, who spent 24 years in prison for the ritual killing of a woman they knew nothing about.
In an emotional interview with The Punch, Lasisi and Adeyemi shared their harrowing experience. They were arrested and detained in August 2000, coerced into confessing to the murder under severe torture by security operatives. They were sentenced to death in 2009 but were miraculously released on June 12, 2024.
Adeyemi, who had housed Lasisi after a fallout with the prime suspects, was arrested with his friend when they visited a police station in Oyo State, following police inquiries about Lasisi.
“In August 2000, after returning home from work with a friend living with me, Ismaila Lasisi, we were told that the Police came to look for Ismaila and he was asked to report himself to the station.
“I immediately decided to follow him to the station, lo and behold I was arrested and detained along with him. I was tortured to the point of death over a crime I knew nothing about, right from the police station. I had a close shave with death over the murder of a woman who was hired by some ex-friends of Ismaila Lasisi to fetch water for them at the construction site. The woman left home in the morning and she never returned home,” Adeyemi told Vanguard.
The ex-inmates credited their release to the Centre for Justice Mercy and Reconciliation (CJMR), led by Pastor Hezekiah Olujobi, who facilitated their exoneration.
In a surprising twist, the herbalist arrested in connection with the murder was later released by the police. But another suspect who was said to be innocent reportedly died under torture.
After seeking assistance to rebuild their lives, Lasisi’s account details were shared on The Punch’s social media pages. Within hours, he received donations totalling at least one million naira.
Lasisi revealed in a chat with one of our correspondents that as of 1:35 p.m. Saturday, they had received over 500,000 naira. By the time of this report, donations had reached one million naira.
“My friend, Lukman, decided to follow me to the police station to prove my innocence,” Lasisi told The Punch. “When we got there, the police detained us. Three days later, some SARS operatives from Abeokuta came to meet us,” Adeyemi chorused.
Lasisi added, “They battered and tied me up like an Ileya festival ram. They placed an iron on my chest and I was in distress. They beat me mercilessly from 4pm to 7pm. They took turns to beat me. I only survived by God’s grace because I could have died…”
Lasisi described how, after being untied but unable to move, he was carried to another room by an unknown person. He was unable to speak and could only stand up four days later, though the interrogation continued.
“Later that night, they untied me but I couldn’t move. I was motionless and an unrecognized person carried me to another room. I could no longer talk. I was able to stand up four days later but the interrogation continued.”
Under intense torture, Lasisi and Adeyemi were forced to falsely confess to the crime to end the brutality, but this only led to their death sentence.
Continuing the story, Adeyemi said, “They tortured someone beside me to death and showed me his corpse, We learnt that the person was also innocent but they tortured him to death.” Lasisi added, “They promised to stop the torture if I confessed to the murder and when I couldn’t take it anymore, I lied against myself to prevent further torture.”
Adeyemi also confessed to the crime he had no part in, due to the relentless torture. “When they wouldn’t stop torturing me, I lied against myself that I was involved in the murder.”
Watch the full video below:
Screenshot – to watch the video, please click here (Please note: original link not working properly)
Niger State is no exception to the general observation that ritualistic murders are being committed in each of Nigeria’s 36 states (and the Federal Capital Territory). Though I certainly have not covered all recently reported and suspected ritual murder cases in Niger state, which is located in the North central Region of Nigeria, I did report a few since the start of this site in 2018. See my postings of September 15, 2019, August 30, 2022, and February 21, 2023.
Niger State is Nigeria’s largest state covering a total area of 76,363 km2 (29,484 sq mi), approximately 9% of the total land area. The state capital is Minna, major cities include Bida, Kontagora, Suleja, and Wawa. Niger State’s total population is an estimated 7 million people and composed of numerous indigenous tribes.
The state’s population is mainly muslim, hence Niger State is one of Nigeria’s states where the Sharia law was adopted – since May 4, 2000. The state is also known as The Power State because of its economic potential and abundant natural resources including coal, crude oil, gold, iron ore, phosphate, tin, and uranium.
A Niger State High Court sentenced a convicted ritual murderer, Tunde Tayo, to death by hanging. He was convicted to have murdered for ritual purposes Abdullahi Janiya Yahaya, in Minna in 2019.
Though I strongly support the prosecution of suspected ritual murderers and the rule of law, I have my doubt about the effectiveness of the capital punishment as a deterrent. The phenomenon of ritualistic murders is too complicated to eradicate by only harsh punishments. (webmaster FVDK)
Niger Court Sentences Man To Death By Hanging for ritual murder
Published: January 11, 2024 By: Abu Nmodu – Leadership, Nigeria
A Niger State High Court has convicted and sentenced one Tunde Tayo to death by hanging for the murder of Abdullahi Janiya Yahaya in Maitumbi area of Minna. He was accused of conniving with his friend now at large to kill Yahaya for ritual purpose by cutting his head and burying his body in a shallow grave around Maitumbi area of Minna in 2019. The judge, Justice Mohammed Mohammed handed down the sentence yesterday in a judgement delivered for over two hours.
After reviewing the case and submissions of the parties involved, Justice Mohammed held that the circumstantial evidence against the accused by the prosecutor was strong, cogent and direct. The judge reviewed that the convict was arraigned on two count charges of robbery and culpable homicide under sections 298 and 221 of the penal code.
The judge, reviewed that the convict admitted in his statement to the police that he owns the uncompleted building, that the body was buried adding that, “although he denied killing the deceased, circumstantial evidence established that he was last seen with the deceased and that he committed the crime.”
The judge said, “On the charge of robbery on section 298 of penal code, you are sentenced to life imprisonment. On the second count charges of culpable homicide under section 221 of the penal code law, you, Tunde Tayo is hereby convicted and sentenced to death by hanging until you die. May Almighty God have mercy on your soul”.
There is hardly any doubt that in Malawi the position of people with albinism is the most fragile and dangerous as compared to other countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. I have repeatedly mentioned this here, see e.g. my posting earlier this year, on January 22.
In 2017, ALJAZEERA reported that In Malawi, more than 115 people had been attacked in the past two years and that at least 20 of them did not survive the attack. Below follows an extensive report of ALJAZEERA on the victims, the survivors and the perpetrators (as far as known).
ALJAZEERA is to be commended for raising awareness on the human rights violations people with albinism experience and the efforts being made to protect them.
ALJAZEERA is to be commended for this excellent work of investigative journalism and the attention thus paid to this curse. People with albinism face discrimination in at least 23 African countries. For many, this discrimination amounts to insecurity, violence & murder.
Also in the current year, ALJAZEERA paid attention to the plight of people with albinism, on June 13, International Albinism Awareness Day, with a series of tweets. Click here to access the tweets.
Warning: some readers may find the following stories disturbing (webmaster FVDK).
Published: June 13, 2022 By: ALJAZEERA
Killed for their bones – On the trail of the trade in human body parts
In Malawi, people with albinism are being killed and their bodies harvested; children and adults hacked to death with machetes and kitchen knives. More than 115 people have been attacked in the past two years, at least 20, fatally. Those who have survived have been left with deep physical and psychological scars, and remain fearful that those who hunt them will return.
But why is this happening? Ask and most people will talk about an elusive market for these body parts, people who are prepared to pay large sums of money for them and witch doctors who use them in potions to cure everything from disease to bad luck. But few seem to know where this trade actually takes place or to be able to point to an instance of money changing hands.
So, does this market of human body parts really exist, or is it a myth that is driving murder? We went in search of the market and found a toxic mix of witchcraft, poverty and desperation.
Here are the stories of the victims, the survivors and the perpetrators.
The condition that makes me black without black, white but not white. That is how it was, and I will tell you all about it. – Petina Gappah, The Book of Memory
1 – The Victims
David’s story
Village of Nambilikira, Dedza district, eastern Malawi
It was a Sunday in April 2016. A warm, dry day. Seventeen-year-old David Fletcher was being moody and withdrawn. He wanted to watch a football match at the local school instead of helping his family gather maize in the fields. His parents eventually relented and let him go.
When he didn’t return later that day, they searched the village, but couldn’t find David.
The next day, they walked to the nearest police station to report him missing. Then they waited.
A week later, the local police chief came to their home to deliver the news: David’s dismembered body had been found, 80km away, in neighbouring Mozambique. It was badly decomposed, he told them. It couldn’t be brought to the village for burial, but he could bring the arms and legs, if they wished. And if the family could afford the journey, they could visit it where it was found.
“He was dead. What benefit was there to see his dead body?” Fletcher Machinjiri, David’s 65-year-old father, asks, dismissively. “It was too expensive for us.”
Screenshot – to watch the video on YouTube, please click here
Fletcher is sitting outside his house. His 53-year-old wife, Namvaleni Lokechi, sits beside him. Her face is expressionless. Their 32-year-old daughter Mudelanji and 21-year-old son Manchinjiri sit on the hard earth a few metres away. They listen as though it is the first time they have heard the story.
“He was killed like a goat at a market,” Lokechi says, staring into the distance. “His arms and legs had been chopped off. They broke off some of his bones. His skin was hanging. And they buried him in a shallow grave.”
He was killed like a goat at a market. His arms and legs had been chopped off.– Namvaleni Lokechi, the mother of David Fletcher, a murdered 17-year-old
She makes chopping motions with her hands as she speaks.
“We cry every day,” Fletcher says. “To us, he was a ray of hope. We believed in his future. We thought he would lift our hand because he was good at school.”
“We still battle to eat without him.”
‘A war against people with albinism’
Born in 1999, David was the fourth of five siblings – and the only one to have been born with albinism.
“I wasn’t surprised when he was born,” David’s mother says softly. “I was more than happy with his complexion.”
Her tiny frame stiffens when she talks about her son.
She had an aunt in Blantyre with the same congenital disorder that results in a partial absence of pigmentation in the skin, hair and eyes, she explains.
“I’ve always felt that this group of people were lucky in life,” she says slowly.
David was a star pupil at the local school in the neighbouring village of Kachule.
His teacher, Clement Gweza, recalls feeling mildly concerned when he didn’t turn up for school that Monday.
“I thought maybe there were no groceries at home, or maybe he was unwell,” Clement says, sitting inside his empty classroom. “But the second day [he didn’t turn up] … then I got worried.”
When he learned what had happened to David, he says, he was shocked. “It meant I was next,” he says, placing his hands on his chest.
For Clement also has albinism.
Screenshot – to watch the video on YouTube, please click here
So, too, does 14-year-old Latida Macho, another pupil at the school. She is one of five siblings with the condition. After David’s murder, her family refused to send her to school for three weeks.
“If this is war against people with albinism, then it means I’m second in line,” Clement reflects.
He says he knew that people with albinism were being murdered, but “for it to happen in the district, but also in my class, it was unreal”.
Within days, two men were arrested for the murder.
Both Malawians, they were tried in a district court in May 2016 and sentenced to 25 years in prison for conspiracy to commit a crime and abduction.
David’s family say they heard about the arrests and subsequent trial only from the media. And that they are bitterly disappointed with the outcome.
“The accused persons should be killed as well,” Fletcher says, pointing to the floor. “The child was brutally killed, hence they must equally be killed brutally.”
Alfred’s story
Village of Nasi, district of Phalombe, eastern Malawi
Seventeen-year-old Alfred Chigalu lives with his aunt in a mud home surrounded by dead sunflowers.
Their courtyard of red earth is home to five goats and a dozen raucous chickens.
The nearest neighbour is a five-minute walk away, along a path cut through overgrown grass. It takes 20 minutes – across dried up tobacco fields – to reach the main road. Drought has hit this region hard, and while tall mango trees provide shade for the farmers, they bear no fruit.
The climate here is harsh. Crops are often destroyed by drought or violent hailstorms. Like others in the village, Alfred and his aunt, Lydia Petulo, are surviving on pieces of dried maize from last year’s harvest. The goats in the yard are not their own. Lydia looks after them for a local merchant, and receives one at the end of each year in return.
In December 2015, four men broke down the door of Alfred’s bedroom while he was sleeping. They slashed at him with machetes, hitting the back of his head, his shoulders and his back. They tried to drag him out of the house. When his aunt found him in a pool of his own blood, his attackers ran away.
Alfred survived but was left badly scarred.
Now, the slightest sound wakes him, and when he walks to the village he must be accompanied.
“Before the attack I used to depend on him; I could send him to the market, he could go to the farm and do the farming,” Lydia says, biting her lips as she completes her sentences.
“But I cannot do the same these days.”
“I fear for his life. The responsibility has shifted to me.”
But this isn’t the first time she has been afraid for her nephew. She took him out of school six years ago, when the taunting began, she explains.
Lydia slouches as she narrates their story. Her tired eyes wander. But they brighten when she talks about Alfred. She adopted him after his mother – her sister – died.
Alfred had a sibling who also had albinism, but that child died, she recalls. She doesn’t remember the dates or the details – of his sibling’s or his parents’ deaths – other than that both of Alfred’s parents died around the time he took his first steps.
‘I am lonely’
Alfred is sitting outside on the floor, his back against the house, wearing oversized jeans and a short-sleeved shirt. They are the only clothes he owns. He was wearing his other outfit when he was attacked. There was so much blood that it had to be burned.
On his head is a large cowboy hat.
He is tall with broad shoulders that droop when he walks. For the first few hours that we are there, he doesn’t talk.
But when we put the camera away and move out of sight of the curious neighbours who have gathered to watch, he begins to speak.
His parched lips barely move.
“I wake up at 6 in the morning, every day. I sweep the yard, but I feel pain in my arms,” he says slowly.
He removes his shirt to reveal long, deep scars on his chest and back.
“The way they cut me, they cut my veins. I can barely hold a hoe,” he explains.
I want to finish school, to become a teacher, and move out of here. I would love if someone could take me away from this village. I have to get out of this place.– Seventeen-year-old Alfred Chigalu, who was attacked in November 2015
When she found him on the floor, Lydia began to scream and cry.
“The neighbours came, but it was too late, the attackers had left,” she says. “I really felt sorry for him when I looked at him and I knew he was lucky to have survived. He would have been killed if he hadn’t screamed for me.”
She says she knows why he was attacked.
“Before the attack, some people used to mock him if he went outside the house. They [would say] he is worth millions of kwacha [thousands of dollars], so that gave us an indication that his life could be in danger,” Lydia explains.
The physical wounds have mostly healed, but life is not the same for Alfred. He misses “chatting”, he says, shyly, before adding: “Most of all I miss my friends. I am lonely.”
His aunt says he “lacks peace”.
In April 2016, Ikponwosa Ero, the UN’s independent expert on the enjoyment of human rights by persons with albinism, visited Alfred and his aunt. She told Al Jazeera that Alfred seemed to have suffered “memory loss” after the attack. But when we visit him two months later, he rolls off the names of towns in Malawi, capital cities of African countries and national political leaders. He seems to be recovering.
Fiddling with a piece of dry hay, he tells us: “I want to finish school, to become a teacher, and move out of here. I would love if someone could take me away from this village. I have to get out of this place.”
Hari’s story
Village of Mpakati, Machinga district, southern Malawi
Edna Cedric remembers that night in February 2016.
Her husband, Marizane Kapiri, had gone fishing. Her identical nine-year-old twins, Hari and Harrison, were sleeping beside her.
She heard a knock at the door. When she answered it, a machete-wielding man barged inside, slashing at her.
He pulled Hari from the bed and dragged him to the door. Edna tried to hold on to him while also gripping Harrison with her other hand.
Then the intruder struck her face with the machete and she fell to the floor. And, just like that, her son was gone.
The police brought the head wrapped in a cloth and in a sack. His mother identified it.– Marizane Kapiri, Hari’s stepfather
“I couldn’t hold on to him any longer,” she says, quietly. “I ran out screaming.”
“Four days later, the police found his head in Mozambique.”
“The place was very lonely. This is why we moved here,” her husband says.
The fisherman is not the father of Edna’s children. He says he spent the best part of the five days after Hari was abducted explaining to the police why he wasn’t at home when the attack took place. They suspected that he was involved and it wasn’t until the village chief explained to them that he spent much of his time at the lake, catching fish to feed the family, that the police let him go.
“After the police discovered the head, they sent a message to us that we should be ready to see it,” Marizane explains. “They brought the head wrapped in a cloth and in a sack. His mother identified it.”
According to Amnesty International, two men were arrested in connection with Hari’s murder. One was said to be an uncle, and the other a stranger who had an existing conviction for possessing the bones of a person with albinism. For that crime, he had been fined $30.
The family, though, say they have no idea who was responsible for the attack and what has become of those who were arrested.
The twin brother
Harrison is wearing pyjamas and a cowboy hat. He sits between his parents as they take turns to talk. He fiddles with the cords of his hat, licks his cracked lips and scratches at the dry skin on his arms. He only returned to school in September 2016, eight months after his brother was taken.
Their mudbrick home is in a remote rural area, far from the main road between Blantyre and Mangochi. Houses here sit in small plots on expansive fields. It is a few minutes’ walk to the nearest neighbours through fields of browning plants that haven’t been harvested in a year. Here, police officers are few and far between.
But this is not where Hari was taken from. That home was even more isolated, Marizane explains.
“We demolished the house … and moved here so we are closer to other people,” he says.
But the move hasn’t changed much for the remaining brother, Harrison.
“He wakes up in the middle of night, screaming, because he can’t find his brother. We just tell him he will come back one day,” Marizane explains.
He wakes up in the middle of night, screaming, because he can’t find his brother.– Marizane Kapiri, whose stepson, Hari, was murdered
Edna says that she can’t get over the pain she felt when she saw Hari’s head.
“I immediately thought about his brother, Harrison, and I knew his life would never be the same,” she says, looking at her surviving son.
2 – A History of Violence
Borrowed from the word “albus”, meaning white in Latin, albinism is a congenital disorder where the body is unable to create enough melanin to darken the skin, hair and eyes.
The non-contagious condition affects about one in 20,000 people worldwide. But it is more common in sub-Saharan Africa, where one in 5,000 have albinism. Most cases are in Mozambique, Tanzania, Burundi, Kenya, Zimbabwe and South Africa.
In Malawi, a country of 16.5 million people, there are said to be 7,000 to 10,000 people with albinism.
Why it affects this part of the world so disproportionately is unclear.
And it is not just a matter of colour: lack of melanin often results in poor vision and sensitivity to light. In fact, many people with albinism are legally blind.
Because their skin is particularly vulnerable to the sun’s ultraviolet rays, they can also be predisposed to skin cancer and lesions.
According to a 2014 study, people with albinism in Africa are 1,000 times more likely to get skin cancer than others.
But their plight is not solely medical.
The story of discrimination against people with albinism is an old but not necessarily well-documented one. It is driven by myths and superstition.
According to Amnesty International, those with albinism face discrimination in 23 countries in Africa.
For many, this discrimination amounts to violence – murder, infanticide and live burials.
The past decade has seen an increase in the number of documented killings and maimings of people with the condition, driven in part by a belief that their organs, bones and body parts can be sold on the black market.
And that belief is fed by the myth that their bones are made of gold dust and the suggestion that they are a necessary component of magic potions.
But while there are reports of bones reaching up to $75,000 on the black market, there have been no documented cases of money changing hands. So the question of whether an organised trade in the body parts of people with albinism exists has yet to be definitively answered.
The UN’s Ikponwosa Ero says they have been unable to confirm the existence of a market.
“There is allegedly a lot of money in this business. And I say allegedly because people keep on repeating the idea that there is a lot of money in this, and it would seem that the media is part of the reason some people have gotten involved,” she says. “But then some countries have witnessed a reduction in the number of attacks, maybe because people are realising there is no value [in the bones and body parts].”
The majority of the documented attacks have taken place in the Great Lakes region, particularly Tanzania and Burundi. According to media reports, Tanzania has seen some 180 attacks, including 76 murders, since 2000. Thirty-five of those murders took place in 2015.
Within eight months of her appointment as the UN’s independent expert on albinism in June 2015, Ikponwosa, who herself has albinism, documented 40 attacks in eight countries.
Although there has long been discrimination, she points to a more recent phenomenon: “Hacking people [with albinism] alive.”
‘Millions, millions’
Zomba, southern Malawi
Emily Chiumia works at a government department in Zomba, southern Malawi. But she moonlights as an activist for people with albinism.
She’s happy to talk, even if the topic is the names they call her.
“You walk on the street, and they call you ‘millions, millions’,” she laughs, “as if we are gold.”
Emily is the former vice-president of the Association for Persons with Albinism (APAM). Since the attacks began, Emily and the association have been documenting the offences committed against people like her.
Most of them, she says, are carried out by relatives, neighbours or people the victims considered to be friends.
“Before, it was a case of people saying ‘if you sleep with a person with albinism, your skin will turn white’,” she says. “But now, it’s different. I cannot enjoy my life as I used to … I can’t walk in the evenings, can’t sleep, even at home, I fear who might come.” Her laugh has disappeared now.
You walk on the street, and they call you ‘millions, millions’, as if we are gold.– Emily Chiumia, former vice-president of the Association for Persons with Albinism
Radio DJ Ian Sambota describes how in 2012 he was befriended by an “older, educated” woman who first offered him K100,000 ($138) and then K500,000 ($700) to sleep with her. “She was HIV positive and she thought if she slept with a person with albinism, it would be solved,” he says.
Ian refused, but admits that the offer was tempting because he needed the money to pay for medical care for his mother.
Steven Burgess is in his 40s and says he has been called a “white animal” since he was a child. But this is “a time of crisis”, he explains, referring to the increase in attacks.
Bazirio Kaudzu, 46, says he feels so threatened that he only travels to the clinic in the capital Lilongwe – to collect the zinc oxide ointment needed to treat the lesions and blisters on his skin – if his nephew accompanies him. It’s an expensive journey for the tomato farmer, so each month he must take out a loan to cover the cost of the taxi ride for two.
But it hasn’t always been this way.
Patricia Maguwa, 37, remembers a time when her husband, gospel singer Geoffrey Zigoma, was considered one of the golden voices of Malawian music. Before he died of cancer in 2013, he always tried to offer a counter-narrative to the misperceptions about people with albinism, she says.
“He was called names like ‘yellow man’, but he never felt insecure about his life,” she says from her modest home 7km outside Lilongwe. “[But] the situation is different now.”
A shifting trade
Malawi’s government recognises that there is a problem.
Neverson Chisiza, a senior state advocate at the Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, says there have been at least 85 documented cases, including murder, assault, attempted abductions, trafficking, maiming, and grave robberies since 2014. At least 20 of those cases have been murder.
In May 2016, Ikponwosa Ero said that if serious action wasn’t taken to stop the attacks, people with albinism could become extinct in Malawi.
Malawi’s government says a crackdown in neighbouring Tanzania has shifted the “trade” in body parts to their country.
Senior Chief Kawinga, a traditional authority from Malawi’s Machinga district, where most of the attacks have taken place, told us during a visit to his office that he’d heard the market for body parts was in neighbouring Mozambique. Each country in the region tends to posit their neighbour as the source of the problem.
Though many people tend to use the term “albino”, there have been significant attempts to change the terminology to “person with albinism”. Ikponwosa Ero says this is preferred as it puts the person before the condition, while Canadian charity Under the Same Sun points to the fact that albino has historically been used in a derogatory manner.
In June 2016, 150 government officials, academics and activists from 26 countries met in Dar es Salaam for the first forum on albinism in Africa. It aimed to create an action plan to end the attacks, and concluded that governments must dedicate a budget and a multisectoral task force to doing so. It recommended a range of measures and best practices. “Now that we have a catalogue of effective specific measures that are not very expensive to execute, governments should no longer act ignorant of what to do on the issue … It is time to act,” said Ikponwosa Ero.
3 – The Perpetrators
Zomba, southern Malawi
The red brick walls glisten in the midday sun.
Zomba Maximum Prison stands like a citadel in the former capital. It might resemble a factory were it not for its watch towers and the metal fence that encircles it. Flanked by mango trees and shrubs, a dirt track leads to the main entrance.
Inside, some 2,365 prisoners are either awaiting trial or serving time for some of the most serious of crimes: murder, abduction, trafficking, and armed robbery.
The prison’s director, Major Manwell, greets us at the front door – an almost three-metre tall gateway made of green steel. He is wearing a khaki safari suit and leather sandals.
“How can I help you?” he asks with a knowing smile.
Manwell hands us over to two prison guards who lead us into an open corridor between the front desk and the staff kitchen. A makeshift clothes line hangs nearby. We sit on a bench, shaded by the prison’s towering walls.
Over the next three hours, we will meet eight prisoners who are either awaiting trial or have been convicted of playing some part in an attack on somebody with albinism.
One at a time, they sit opposite us on another wooden bench, a translator beside them.
A guard sits at a distance – far enough that his presence doesn’t feel intrusive, but close enough to eavesdrop. His body language tells us when he finds an inmate’s story of interest. When he doesn’t, he slumps back into his leather chair.
Just two of the inmates acknowledge that their case is related to someone with albinism. Most insist that they were framed or have been wrongly accused. Only one admits to having committed a crime.
“They are not able to come to terms with their crimes,” says the guard, removing his cap so that he can scratch his head. “They are in denial.”
The tomb raider
Stenala Shaibu Lizahapa is wearing a clean white shirt and tattered jeans. He takes his seat slowly and crosses his legs. A thin row of rosary beads pass through his fingers. Stenala is not in a hurry. Unlike the others, he doesn’t fidget. He simply sits and waits.
He is in his mid-30s and has been convicted of trespassing on a gravesite to remove three bones from the body of a deceased man named Awali Mandevu.
Along with five others, he was caught trying to sell the bones to an undercover police officer in April 2015.
All six were charged with criminal trespassing, removal of human tissue and selling human bones.
Three of them, including Stenala, pleaded guilty. Two others denied the charges and were acquitted, while the case against the sixth was dropped.
Stenala was sentenced to six years in prison.
He says he has made peace with his crime.
“What I did was wrong, but I felt desperate,” he says softly, only briefly making eye contact. “I feel ashamed.”
If there is a market [for bones], I don’t know… I would have believed it if I saw it. – Stenala Shaibu Lizahapa, sentenced to six years in prison for selling human bones
As a fisherman, he says he was earning K500 (70 cents) a day. So when friends asked if he’d help them deliver a set of bones to a client – promising it would make him “rich enough to drive” – he says he was tempted.
“With my income, I can’t afford a motorcycle, but a car – that was a dream … The devil took over me,” he says.
In early April 2015, Stenala travelled with friends from Machinga to his home district of Jali, where he went to Chinangwa, a village neighbouring his own, in search of a grave he’d been told housed the corpse of a person with albinism.
“Who doesn’t want more money?” he asks rhetorically. “I knew it was wrong, but I did it for my family.”
“If there is a market [for bones], I don’t know,” he says. “I would have believed it if I saw it.”
The victim’s family
Chinangwa village, Zomba district, southern Malawi
In the village of Chinangwa, Emily Emisi is sitting on a straw mat outside her mud brick and thatch-roofed home.
She offers us a mat on which to sit – between a couple of brown puppies and some corn drying in the winter sun.
“Why didn’t you call before you came?” the 36-year-old asks with a smile. “I would have cooked.”
Her generosity betrays her means. Her open yard – like the barren plateau that surrounds it – is hard brown earth. A few mango and small kachere trees surround the settlement.
Three children sit on the floor. For a while, they watch curiously. But when the novelty of strangers wears off, they return to kicking a punctured miniature football.
“It was my grandfather’s grave that Stenala dug up,” Emily says. “It was terrible. He was buried a long time [ago], in the 1990s. And this felt like a second funeral for him.”
Emily says it didn’t come as a surprise to many of the villagers when they learned that Stenala was responsible.
“He was known to steal goats,” she says.
Stenala had got into an argument with his brother weeks before when he’d tried to persuade him to help find the bones, Emily explains. His brother had refused and the argument had turned into a fight. The whole village heard about it, she says.
“Then, he tried to romance an albino girl, but the girl refused and told villagers that she was being pursued by him.”
She is “happy he has been put away”, she says, because he would “terrorise the village”.
Someone close to Stenala must have betrayed him, Emily speculates, because nobody knew that the village graveyard had been tampered with.
But, while she has no doubt that Stenala had been searching for the bones of somebody with albinism, Emily says he dug up the wrong grave.
“My grandfather, Awali Madenvu, was not an albino. But his grave was close to an albino and so they got the wrong bones.”
That wouldn’t have made any difference anyway – the penalty in Malawi is the same.
Because his was not a case of murder or attempted murder, Stenala wasn’t eligible for legal aid and so had no representation in court.
He was tried, sentenced and given 30 days to appeal.
When we tell Emily that Stenala admits his guilt and is remorseful, she clicks her tongue and looks away. “Of course, after the hardship in jail, he is going to be remorseful,” she says.
“He is not someone who will change. We all think that his sentence is too short, and we expect him to come back and teach us a lesson.”
‘I will wait for him’
As the sun is about to set, the silhouette of a woman appears through a haze of dust. She has a girl at her side and a baby in her arms.
“That is Annie Fuleya,” a young girl says. “Stenala’s wife.”
She is on her way to gather wood. Stenala’s home village of Jali is just a few hundred metres away. Emily’s family crosses paths with Stenala’s every day.
Annie is tall with a brush-cut. She wears a long green skirt and a pale blue T-shirt.
In the weeks leading up to the incident, the 26-year-old says her husband was acting strangely. She recalls asking him to stay away from a friend she thought was trouble.
“I didn’t believe it at first but then after the conviction I felt let down by him,” she reflects, looking away as she completes her sentence. Then, without looking back at us, she adds: “I believe that he did it.”
Annie was pregnant when her husband was arrested and must now raise their four-year-old daughter Saamyato and their now 14-month-old baby Latifa alone.
She left Machinga for Stenala’s village after his arrest, believing it was safer to be close to her mother-in-law. Now, she works in other people’s fields and depends on financial support from the extended family to help raise her children.
“All I know is that he was found with body parts of an albino. I don’t know what parts. I don’t know what he did. I just feel disappointed,” Annie says, holding on to Latifa as the baby wriggles in her arms.
“But I understand that he may have done it because of our situation. He doesn’t earn enough as a fisherman. He looks after me, his mother, my mother, and two orphaned children from an aunt,” she explains softly. “Perhaps this is what drove him to do this.”
“I will wait for him. Because I have forgiven him,” she adds. “But he will have to conduct himself properly on his return.”
Stenala’s mother, who has been watching pensively as her daughter-in-law talks, agrees to speak to us under the shadow of a large kachere tree. Elizabeth Magawa is 49, and the resemblance to her son is immediately apparent. She smiles when we tell her this and the children who have gathered around, burst into laughter.
Elizabeth seems tired. She says she has aged over the past year.
“I didn’t look like this,” she sighs. “I spend sleepless nights wondering why Stenala would have done such a thing. He always helped the family.”
“It is something I will never understand,” she says. Then, she adds: “But I know he was fully capable of such a thing.”
Maybe Stenala did it because of our poverty, or because of peer pressure. I don’t know. – Elizabeth Magawa, mother of Stenala Shaibu, sentenced to six years for selling human bones
Her son’s arrest brought the family unwanted attention in the village, but Elizabeth says they haven’t suffered any serious repercussions.
“There was a lot of talk. They spoke about bones. But they’ve moved on,” she says.
“Maybe Stenala did it because of our poverty, or because of peer pressure. I don’t know.”
It has grown cold now and, without warning, Annie stands up and walks away, in the direction of her mother-in-law’s house.
Elizabeth watches as her daughter-in-law disappears into the darkness, her young daughter in tow.
Charles Nyasa: Convicted of trying to sell human tissue
Charles Nyasa cries as he tells his story.
The 24-year-old from Zomba district was sentenced to six years for being in possession of human flesh in March 2015.
He says he heard an advert for a witch doctor on radio or television – he can’t recall which – that promised “quick riches”. But when he visited the witch doctor, he was told to bring the placenta of a newborn. So, he says, he spent K8,000 ($11) buying one from nurses at a hospital.
When he took it to the witch doctor, he was accused of carrying a placenta from a newborn with albinism.
He was convicted but insists his case had nothing to do with albinism.
John Alfred: Convicted of trying to sell a child
Thirty-one-year-old John Alfred looks older than his years. He is feverish and sweating profusely, but wants to talk.
John was sentenced to six years in prison for trying to sell his own child.
“I did it because of my [financial] condition. No other reason,” he says, shaking.
The father of five from Naweta village, in Machinga district, was earning K4,000 ($5.50) for two weeks’ work in the gardens and on the farms of a businessman.
“My boss saw me living in poverty and said to me one day: ‘Why don’t you be brave, and sell that child of yours?’ pointing to my daughter Vanessa. He said there were buyers in Mozambique for children like her.”
I had five children, and I thought that maybe it wasn’t a problem to get rid of one.– John Alfred, sentenced to six years for trying to sell his daughter
John says that his daughter does not have albinism but “resembled one”. The authorities at the prison say the child does have the condition, although there is no mention of it in his prison file.
“I had five children, and I thought that maybe it wasn’t a problem to get rid of one,” John says.
In April 2015, without consulting his wife, he took their four-year-old daughter and left for Mozambique.
“I didn’t know where I was going. I was just going to Mozambique to find this market,” he says.
But the police intercepted him in Machinga and arrested him.
“I admitted it in court and was sentenced,” he tells us.
Melinda Mbendera: Convicted of attempted kidnapping
Twenty-year-old Melinda Mbendera is agitated. She twitches and bites her lips as she talks.
She was found guilty of trying to kidnap a child with albinism and sentenced to three years’ imprisonment. But she insists that she is innocent. The court didn’t have enough evidence, she declares, and based their verdict solely on the claims of the child and her parents.
She says the judge told her that it would be safer for her to be in jail than on the streets, where she might face mob justice.
In 2016, 11 people suspected of being involved in digging graves or carrying human flesh were lynched in Malawi. In one case in the Nsanje district in March 2016, seven witch doctors accused of using bones in their potions were burned alive. A month earlier, a courthouse in the South Lunzu township in Blantyre, was razed to the ground after three people accused of murdering somebody with albinism had been bailed.
Melinda says she previously spent eight months in prison for stealing K200,000 ($275) from a family friend. She suspects her criminal record influenced the verdict in this case.
But, she maintains: “I didn’t spend eight months in this wretched place only to go out and commit another crime.”
“The police said that because I stole before, the probability was high that I did this … but why would I sell a human being?” she asks.
4 – A Question of Justice
Zomba, southern Malawi
Screenshot – to watch the video on YouTube, please click here
Edge Kanyongolo is a tall man with thick eyebrows and an even thicker moustache.
The associate professor of law at the University of Malawi in Zomba is sitting behind his desk. Behind him, a window showcases a courtyard garden. Beside him, textbooks and legal reports are carefully stacked on a wooden bookshelf.
“The attacks on persons with albinism are a manifestation of a larger problem,” he says. “On the surface, there is the question of superstition and witchcraft, but I think underlying all of that is desperation.”
Malawi has been in an economic crisis since 2012. It began when tobacco, the country’s premier export, dropped in price by more than 50 percent in 2010. In 2012, under the guidance of the International Monetary Fund, President Joyce Banda imposed a range of hard-hitting economic reforms that were most harshly felt by the poor. The currency was devalued by almost 50 percent and inflation reached more than 20 percent.
In 2015, the World Bank rated Malawi as the poorest country in the world, per capita.
Two out of every five Malawians of employable age are without work. According to the International Labour Organisation, three in four young workers have only irregular employment, while nine out of 10 work in the informal sector, where their employment is precarious and may change daily. At least 61 percent of Malawians live on less than $1.25 a day and 2.3 million are said to be food-insecure.
“People don’t have options to earn money. And this then drives them to be so desperate and, as some would say – so irrational – as to think that getting the body parts of a type of person and so on, may make you rich,” the professor explains.
But Elijah Kachikuwo, the senior deputy commissioner of police in Mangochi, disagrees. In fact, he grows agitated when questioned about the connection. He is standing in the dusty courtyard of the main police station in Mangochi.
“It is not poverty that is causing this,” he declares, the lines on his forehead deepening. “We aren’t faced with poverty for the first time in the country. We shouldn’t hide behind this … so that question is out of order.”
The traditional healers
Mphalare in Dedza, central region of Malawi
Masiyambuyo Njolomole and Usmani Ibrahima Banda live in the remote village of Mphalare in Dedza. It is 80km – about an hour’s drive along a dirt track – from Lilongwe.
They are both traditional healers.
Seven wooden stools lined up against a wall and a small coffee table are the only furniture inside the house where we meet them. There is no electricity, so the door has been left ajar. The sunlight illuminates the two men’s faces. A woman sweeps the yard outside, scraping at the dry earth.
Usmani wears a skull cap; Masiyambuyo a headdress made from monkey skin. The latter smiles as he presents his registration card. Usmani’s expired in 2011.
Masiyambuyo, a tall, thin man, makes it clear that neither of them use bones of any kind in their potions. He says “people like him” are being made scapegoats for criminals and a political conspiracy because the government has lost control of the situation. “This is a syndicate by some influential people in this country who are interested in body parts of albinos. They simply want to take the attention away from them; that is why they are accusing us,” he declares.
“Albinos have existed for a long time and we have also existed for a long time,” he adds.
In June 2016, Malawi’s High Court banned “witch doctors, traditional healers, charm sellers, fortune tellers and magicians,” in an effort to quell the trade in the bones of people with albinism.
Traditional healers such as Usmani and Masiyambuyo argue that only hurts the people they help.
“People think we deal with witchcraft, but we are here to help people,” Masiyambuyo says, earnestly, opening his arms.
According to the Traditional Healers Association of Malawi, up to 97 percent of the population visit traditional healers and herbalists. It is hard to verify this but it is clear that many people do use them, particularly in rural areas, where the state is often conspicuous by its absence.
Usmani says that, in such circumstances, the services he and Masiyambuyo provide are critical.
People think we deal with witchcraft, but we are here to help people.– Masiyambuyo Njolomole, a traditional healer based in Dedza
He was trained by his father, the softly spoken traditional healer explains, and used to specialise in sexually transmitted diseases. But, “nowadays, [it’s] cancer, blood pressure, asthma, using herbs and a mixture from seven trees” he adds, showing us plastic packets of concoctions made primarily from plants.
“People come to me when the hospitals have failed them.”
Dr Chilani is the spokesperson for Malawi’s Traditional Healers Association and tells us over the phone that “everyone [in the country], [from] farmers to politicians” uses traditional healers.
Many believe that illness involves an “element of being bewitched”, he explains. But, he insists, “sending people to kill others” isn’t part of their craft.
“We help people, we don’t kill them,” he says.
The new law targeting unlicensed traditional healers would purportedly help end these crimes. But the line between traditional healer and witch doctor isn’t always clear.
Mary Shawa, the former principal secretary at the Ministry of Gender, Children, Disability and Social Welfare, says the distinction lies in registration. “No one who obeys the law needs to feel threatened,” she explains.
Chilani’s Facebook page offers “revenge spells, fertility spells, magic rings and witchcraft spells”, but also asks that anyone with information about the bones of somebody with albinism contact him so that it can be reported to the police. He says no one has been in touch.
“If we have been around for generations, and the killings of persons with albinism began roughly two years ago, what were we doing all this time?” he asks.
One lawyer for every 38,500 Malawians
Lilongwe, central region of Malawi
Piles of paper cover Masauko Chamkakala’s desk. The director of Legal Aid, the body tasked with representing those who cannot afford legal representation, is in his office in Area 4 of Lilongwe.
The country’s legal system, he says, is a mess.
“More than 90 percent of the population cannot afford legal representation. We have seven lawyers for the entire country,” he says, his hands clasped and eyebrows raised.
The Legal Aid Act stipulates that anyone charged with a crime that could result in a custodial sentence is entitled to legal aid, but limited resources have resulted in the courts restricting this to homicide cases.
A 2013 report found that Malawi had fewer than 400 lawyers. That was one lawyer for every 38,500 people.
The jails are overcrowded and suspects can wait months or even years before their cases go to trial.
“If you go to the prisons [and] start going through the cases, you realise that so many of these people are not supposed to be there,” Masauko says, pointing out that: “For an ordinary person to get an appointment with a lawyer will cost him K20,000 ($27), while the [monthly] minimum wage is K18,000 ($25).”
Then there is the question of entrapment – a method that police officers have admitted to using but one which has so far led only to the arrest of sellers.
More than 90 percent of the population cannot afford legal representation. We have seven lawyers for the entire country.– Masauko Chamkakala, the director of Legal Aid
In a side office near Malawi’s High Court, Neverson Chisiza, a senior state advocate at Malawi’s Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, acknowledges that there have been discussions within the ministry about “why it is always sellers, those who are desperate [and] looking for quick money, [who] are caught, not the buyers”.
And without the buyers, the police are little closer to understanding the source of this trade.
Masouko says that the hysteria over the killings of people with albinism has reached such a height that “it is possible a person could be convicted for carrying antelope bones because they resemble human bones”.
And, he adds, those accused of any crime related to people with albinism are tried in “people’s courts”.
A question of government preparedness
Lilongwe, central region of Malawi
It is late on a Friday afternoon when Mary Shawa meets us in her office and her team are about to leave for the day. She is responsible for the security, health and wellbeing of Malawians with albinism.
“Until the atrocities started, we didn’t look at persons with albinism as people with a disability. We saw them as ordinary people,” she says, adjusting her glasses.
She slumps back into her chair. “If you look at the demographics, they are young and old, some working as lawyers and teachers, some still in school,” she adds.
Before moving to this ministry in 2012, Mary was the secretary for nutrition, HIV and Aids in the president’s office, credited with tackling the country’s HIV pandemic.
She speaks authoritatively and frankly, rejecting any suggestion that the government hasn’t done enough to address the crimes committed against people with albinism. She rattles off the details of cases that have been solved and cites “ministerial research” to suggest that there is no market for the bones.
“[The] culprits get the bones and walk around looking for a market to sell them,” she says.
Mary says her ministry has been leading a communications plan to tackle the crisis. “The radio messages, the billboards, this is all us,” she explains.
But it’s hard to tell if anyone is listening.
“We are also compiling a census, to register all persons with albinism in the country,” she says, leaning forward, her hands resting on the desk.
But beyond the issue of security, people with albinism have other needs – sunscreen, hats and sunglasses to protect them from the sun. The Ministry of Health does provide zinc oxide at clinics but that only helps with the blisters and lesions and doesn’t offer any protection. Moreover, patients have to travel to the main cities to access the ointment.
Mary hints at a lack of funding. Malawi is heavily reliant on donors, and it’s unlikely that sunscreen or hats top the government’s financial priorities or a foreign government’s agenda.
Village of Nambilikira, Dedza district, eastern Malawi
5 – The Future
Confident, assertive and friendly, Clement Gweza seems as though he was born to teach. He transforms the 60 rowdy teenagers into an orderly classroom and begins his social and environmental science lesson by scribbling “How to prevent air pollution” on the blackboard.
The 24-year-old is smartly dressed in an off-white shirt, pinstriped tie and black trousers.
“It was difficult at first,” he says. “The children found it hard to understand my albinism, because people, not just the learners, don’t think that a person with albinism can do something that can be recognised by society.”
He became a teacher, he says, because the tuition was free and he couldn’t afford to pay to study anything else.
At first, he worried that his students wouldn’t respect him. But, he says, “after a few weeks, the learners came round. They will tell you: ‘Ah! He is a good teacher and he understands our problems’.”
But he knows that, despite the respect he enjoys in the classroom, he is not safe outside of it.
The murder of one of his students, David Fletcher, made him afraid.
He has stopped walking outside at night and, if he must, he asks a close friend or relative to accompany him.
“If I can’t find someone to take me home, I will stay where I am and sleep there. I have no choice,” he says.
“Everything has changed. I look at the people, the friends around me, and I think ‘maybe he wants to kill me and make some money’.”
Stercia Kanyowa’s story
Masumpankhunda, in Lilongwe, central Malawi
Screenshot – to watch the video on YouTube, please click here
Twelve-year-old Stercia Kanyowa says she doesn’t want to beg. She wants an education, and to stand on her own two feet.
“I want to be a teacher first. Then maybe a journalist or a bank manager,” she declares.
Stercia is one of three children with albinism at the Malingunde School for the Visually Impaired. As an only child from a single-parent household, she says completing school is her only hope for the future. She has been here since 2011.
“Of course, I miss home. It’s long since I have gone home. Who doesn’t miss home?” she says, outside her dormitory.
The school is government-run, and functions almost exclusively on donations. There are 17 classrooms and 40 teachers for 3,000 students.
There is no electricity. Inside Stercia’s classroom, some students are huddled around braille machines, while others, such as 15-year-old Foster Kennedy, who also has albinism, use a magnifying glass to read textbooks.
“Everyone here is a friend. You would think we are born from the same mother,” Foster says, smiling.
He wants to be a radio personality or a songwriter, he explains.
The school yard is a thoroughfare for people walking or cycling to the town centre, which means that there are always strangers passing through. This concerns the school authorities. Without a wall or a gate, the school is vulnerable to theft and the students to being attacked. In early 2015, a 16-year-old student with albinism was almost abducted by a stranger who promised to buy her supplies from the local market.
“It is an open place. And anything can happen,” says Chiko Kamphandira, the school principal.
Back outside, Stercia, who is head of the school choir, begins to sing one of her favourite songs, before stopping suddenly, self-conscious and shy.
“I am going to work hard and fulfill my dreams,” she says. “I don’t see myself as any different. I am just a human being.”
Ian Simbota’s story
Blantyre, southern Malawi
Ian Simbota is eating a chicken tikka burger at a Pakistani fast food diner when we spot him one evening in Blantyre.
When we ask to talk to him, he scans our journalists’ credentials before agreeing. It turns out that he gets paid to talk as a late-night radio talk show host and a DJ with the Malawi Broadcasting Corporation. And he has just returned from Kasungu, in the central region of Malawi, where he was the master of ceremonies for World International Albinism Awareness Day.
When he finishes his meal, he invites us to the radio studio.
Once on the airwaves, the slightly pensive man we met at the restaurant is no more. He taunts and teases his listeners. The studio is his safe place.
Later on, he talks of a double life. As a radio star, his voice and name are widely recognised. But not all of his listeners know that he has albinism. And there are times when his confident persona gives way to fear.
“Look, I am working at night. And people know I am here,” he says. “What are they thinking, planning? From here I will get a car and go home. And when I go home, I feel unsafe. What if they attack me? I think about it all the time.”
Ian became a full-time DJ in 2015. It was a dream come true. “I wanted to be a midwife as a child [but] thankfully my mother convinced me otherwise,” he laughs.
“And then, I wanted to be a radio host. Geoffrey Zigoma [the gospel singer] made a huge impact on my life.”
But life hasn’t been easy for Ian.
When he was born, he was the second child in his family to have albinism. His father walked out on them.
“My father told my mum to kill us. When she refused, he left,” he says, matter-of-factly.
“At that time, people didn’t know about the genes and stuff. My dad thought it was a curse.”
Ian’s mother left her village in southern Malawi and came to Blantyre with her two children to look for a job. She found one as a cleaner at the College of Medicine.
His father remarried. His next child was also born with albinism.
School was tough for Ian. He says his teachers didn’t realise that he was visually impaired so would just call him lazy. When he completed his certificate in journalism and applied for internships in radio, his visual impairments worked against him again – station managers were concerned that he wouldn’t be able to see the computer screens, he says.
Then his mother died after a prolonged illness, and the new job felt like the start of a new life for him. But then the attacks on people with albinism began.
“I can tell you, it has become difficult,” he says. “I have friends. But at this point in time, I only trust one friend in my circle. I have other friends, but then sometimes, you just wonder, you know, maybe, he is being used [to get close to me].”
He also has to face harassment on the streets and says his girlfriend left him last year because “she couldn’t deal with what … [he] was going through”.
But today he’s the voice of a successful radio show.
“I like radio because you could come naked to the studio and it doesn’t matter. People are listening to your voice,” he says, pausing for a second, before laughing.
“I have done a little bit of TV, but radio is better because listeners create a different picture of what they think you are. It’s only now [with the crisis] that people realise I am a person with albinism …”
The article below refers to statements made by Joseph Marzah, a former rebel-general and a former key ally of Gibril Massaquoi. Joseph Marzah, commonly known as “Zizar Marzah” said that the Finnish District Court got it wrong when it acquitted Massaquoi of charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity allegedly committed in Liberia.
The reason for including Marzah’s observations and denial is to demonstrate the complexity of war crimes courts and the handling of accusations against suspected perpetrators of war crimes including ritualistic murders. The fact that during Liberia’s civil war(s) ritualistic activities including ritual murders have been committed is not disputed. For shortness sake I may refer here to the Final Report of Liberia’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission released in 2009, which report provides ample examples of these horrific crimes.
(To be continued, see my May 24 posting) (webmaster FVDK)
Liberia: Key Massaquoi Ally Says Finnish Court Got it Wrong
Published: May 17, 2022 By: FrontPage Africa – FPA Exclusive by Anthony Stephens with New Narratives
MONROVIA – A key former ally of Gibril Massaquoi, the Revolutionary United Front commander, says a Finnish District Court got it wrong when it acquitted Massaquoi of charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity allegedly committed in Liberia.
Joseph Marzah, commonly known as “Zizar Marzah”, was a fierce general with then-president Charles Taylor’s forces in the period Finnish prosecutors alleged Massaquoi conducted his crimes during a trial that lasted more than a year. Marzah was a key figure, accused repeatedly by witnesses of atrocities allegedly committed with Massaquoi in Lofa County. In an exclusive interview with New Narratives last week at his residence along the Monrovia-Robertsfield highway, Marzah insisted Massaquoi was among the RUF troops Taylor sent to Liberia to help defend his government against the uprising by the Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD) rebel group that would eventually drive Taylor to resign in August 2003.
In an 850-page ruling, the Finnish judges found there was “reasonable doubt” as to whether Massaquoi, who denied the charges, was in Liberia when the alleged crimes took place. They acquitted Massaquoi of all charges. Prosecutors plan to appeal.
“Gibril Massaquoi fully took part in war here,” Marzah said listing the Lofa towns he was with Massaquoi. “He passed through the towns of Zorzor, Fessibu and Vasala.”
Marzah said Massaquoi was decorated with the rank of Captain at Taylor’s direction because of his strong performance on the frontlines of battle.
“Gibril Massquoi was assigned to me. When we sent him for our logistics like arms and ammunition, he went for them and brought them to us,” said Marzah. “Where there was intense fighting, he joined us to fight. In 2001 and 2002, he was with us, and we battled LURD in Chicken Soup Factory, Double Bridge, ELWA and Shefflin.”
Marzah’s claims back the allegations put forward by Finnish prosecutors that Massaquoi had been active in Liberia’s second civil war between 1999 and 2003. The indictment alleged Massaquoi committed rape, torture, ritual murder, torture and recruitment of child soldiers in villages in Lofa County in the years 2000-2002.
In the most shocking crime heard during trial, Liberian witnesses testified that dozens of women and children were forced into a kitchen building that was set alight, burning them to death.
Marzah, no doubt mindful of his own risk of prosecution, did not concede that he and Massaquoi committed any crimes. But he insisted Massaquoi was with him, as many had witnesses testified, in Lofa during the 2001-2002 period.
“If Gibril Massaquoi denies that he was with me, NPFL, I would like for us to sit face-to-face (in court) so that I can question him like the scenario between Taylor and I. I fear nothing.”
However, Marzah cast doubt on the most contentious prosecution accusation: that Massaquoi escaped a UN-backed safehouse in Freetown between June and August 2003 to fight for Taylor in the Waterside area of Monrovia.
“In 2003, I only heard that he came (from Sierra Leone) and went back. I was assigned to Grand Cape Mount County at the time.”
Marzah claimed Massaquoi escaped Liberia in 2002 after he stole from Taylor.
“After we had made two trips (with two jars of diamonds) along with the logistics to Taylor, he left us because he ran away with the third jar of diamonds,” said Marzah. “When the order came that if we saw Gibril Massaquoi, we should execute him because of the diamonds he stole and ran away with, I didn’t see him then.”
Massaquoi’s Lawyer, Kaarle Gummerus denied commenting on Marzah’s allegations, telling this reporter in a WhatsApp message “the defense does not feel the need to comment on Mr. Marzah’s allegations”.
Marzah said he was approached by representatives of the Finnish investigators in the case and was willing to testify. He did not say why he was not called to give evidence.
In a WhatsApp message Tom Laitienen, the Chief Prosecutor for the case said “We considered Marzah as a witness, but practical issues hindered us from hearing him. We will most likely consider him again if he agrees to testify.”
When pressed as to what the practical issues may have been Laitinen said “unfortunately, I cannot discuss them in detail, but they include his possible role in the suspected crimes and his role as a witness to the Special Court.”
It is not clear that Marzah’s testimony would have made a difference in the verdict. The court found many of the witnesses, including those who claimed to be ex-soldiers of Charles Taylor’s army, were unreliable. It said they had provided contradictory and inconsistent statements between the investigation and the trial. The court found it likely they had been influenced to a degree.
“The witnesses’ accounts have been very similar in some respects, and in some respects they have changed in court in the same way compared to the pre-trial phase,” said the ruling. “This has been the case in particular with regard to the time of the events. This suggests a kind of collective processing of the facts on the basis of which the witnesses formed their perceptions, or at least external influences. In some respects it has been difficult to distinguish between what was based on the witness’s own observations and what was otherwise based on information obtained by the witness. These factors undermine the reliability and relevance of individual reports as evidence.”
While the court was persuaded that Massaquoi, whose testimony played a key role in the conviction of Taylor and a dozen top rebel leaders in the Special Court for Sierra Leone, held very high rank in the RUF, it was not convinced he committed war crimes in Liberia.
The Court’s ruling was almost entirely about inconsistencies in the witnesses’ testimonies. It cited as examples, where some of the witnesses were not exact about key dates and names of individuals who may have carried out crimes. In one instance, witnesses accused Massaquoi of being responsible for mass killings in Kamatahun, Lofa County. In another instance, they attributed the crimes to Marzah.
“It has emerged from several witness accounts that “Zig Zag” Marzah or “Stanley” [another Taylor commander] had been responsible for the burning of people in the Lofa area, especially in Kamatahun.”
Marzah Denies Allegations
Marzah, now 64 and living in a remote part of his native Nimba County, denies he committed any atrocities.
He claimed to have provided safety for members of the Gbandi tribe, who were allegedly burnt alive in buildings, because, he claimed, his wife was a Gbandi woman. Marzah denied he was in the town when the alleged killings took place.
“It was Benjamin Yeaten [another top Taylor commander known as “Chief 50”] who sent Brigadier General Gourtor, [known as “Idi Amin” after the late Ugandan President], “Butu Lazen” and the late “Busy Boy”. They went to Kamatahun Hassala to carry out those executions,” Marzah alleged.
Yeaten, whose whereabouts are unknown, was mentioned many times by witnesses. They told the court Yeaten was very close to Taylor and coordinated the operations of government and RUF forces. Taylor, who is currently serving a 50-year sentence in a British jail for aiding and abetting Sierra Leone’s civil war, funded the operations of the RUF by giving them arms and ammunitions in exchange for diamonds according to the Special Court.
Marzah said there were times that both RUF and Taylor’s forces backed up each other, depending on the scale of the attacks they experienced from opponents.
Special Court former Trial Attorney Backs Marzah’s Comments
Marzah’s comments were backed up by Chris Santora, a former Trial Attorney for the UN-backed Special Court for Sierra Leone and on the Taylor trial.
“Whoever really understands well the history of the links between Charles Taylor and the RUF trial knows that top RUF commanders were often in Liberia interacting at many levels with Benjamin Yeaten and Charles Taylor throughout 2000 and 2001,” said Santora.
“The reasons were many not least of which was Taylor’s use of the RUF in his own war in Liberia but also this was when the diamond pipeline was at its peak as the RUF had firm control of the diamond areas of Kono. Many of these RUF commanders including Massaquoi were back and forth frequently through 2001 as they were running diamonds. (sometimes their own side deals others through Taylor) The finding of the Finish District Court which says that Gibril Massaquoi was not anymore traveling at all to Liberia after June 2001 does not accord with the overwhelming evidence I myself have seen. It doesn’t make sense in the larger context of events at that time period,” said Santora.
Marzah Supports a War Crimes Court for Liberia
Once considered a Taylor trusted general, Marzah, dismissed allegations that he betrayed his former boss. But he said he did oppose Taylor by the end. He was “killing our people slowly,” Marzah said. He blamed Taylor for the murders of a long list of individuals, including Enoch Dogolea, Taylor’s first Vice President and Samuel Dokie, a leading opposition politician with the Unity Party at the time.
Marzah is ranked 66th on a list of 100 most notorious perpetrators recommended for prosecution for gross human rights violations by Liberia’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission. But in the interview he expressed support for a war crimes court and said he was willing to appear.
“I prefer it to be in Liberia,” he said. “There are some wicked people. Some did nothing, some went in the government because they have connections. Some carried out destruction. So, it’s better for the war crimes court to come to sifter all of us. I am willing for it to come. That’s the time we all will explain everything in detail.”
Prosecutors will file a motion to appeal the District Court’s acquittal in coming weeks.
This story was produced in collaboration with New Narratives as part of its West Africa Justice Reporting Project.
This is the third posting in a row on ritualistic murders in Nigeria, locally known as ‘money rituals’. All articles were originally published in 2014. On December 20, I posted ‘Nigeria: ritual killings everywhere‘ and on December 21 ‘Nigeria: ‘How I killed, drained teenager’s blood for money ritual’ – Suspect‘. The reason for including the 2014 articles here is to demonstrate that the occurrence of ritual murders in Nigeria is not a recent phenomenon.
In fact, the history of ritual murders in Nigeria is a long one although nobody knows when the first ritual murder was committed or the total number of ritual killings. Nigeria as an independent country exists since 1960. A partial overview of ritual murders since the year 2000 can be found on the website ‘Liberia: Past and Present of Africa’s Oldest Republic, on the page ‘Not only in Liberia – ritual killings in Nigeria.’ The overview includes over 60 ritual murder cases, but it should be emphasized that it does not pretend to be exhaustive.
Warning: Readers are warned that the following article contains a graphic description of a ritualistic act (webmaster FVDK).
How 18-yr-old boy killed girl, 12, for money ritual
Ikechukwu Friday, the suspect
Published: January 8, 2014 By: Vanguard, Nigeria – Ifeanyi Okolie
LAGOS — The police in Lagos State, yesterday, said they have arrested an 18-year-old boy, Ikechukwu Friday, who allegedly killed a 12-year-old girl for money ritual.
The suspect, who is currently being interrogated at the State Criminal Investigation Department, SCID, Panti, Yaba, was paraded before newsmen.
According to him, a pastor he asked for money instructed him to kill a young girl and obtain her faeces.
He said the pastor promised him N100,000 if he was able to accomplish the task.
According to him, “I attend a popular church around Ketu Street, Aguda but I live with my parents in Badagry. I just finished secondary school and I have been very broke so I approached the pastor for money but he told me that I should strangulate a little girl.
“He said when strangulating the girl, she would pass out faeces. The pastor said I should obtain the faeces and bring it to him. He said if I could do this, he would give me N100,000.
“So, on December 30, 2013, I approached a young girl, Bose Ogoja. Her mother sells food in Badagry and I usually patronise them, so she trusted me. I told the girl that I wanted to show her something and that she should follow me. So I took her to an abandoned NITEL building and locked the door.
“I pressed her neck tightly and she passed out faeces. I was, however, not able to get the faeces because I was caught before I could escape.”
The suspect, an indigene of Onitsha, Anambra State, pleaded for mercy, adding that this was his first crime.
State Police Public Relations Officer, Ngozi Braide, said the boy was arrested by neighbours in the area and handed over to the Badagry Police Division.
Braide said the pastor, who allegedly gave the boy the instruction, had been arrested and was already cooperating with the police.
While displaying the gruesome picture of the slain girl, Braide said: “He was arrested in an uncompleted building. The security guard manning the building told the police that he saw the boy entering the building with the girl.
“He said a few minutes later, he heard the girl screaming and later saw the boy leaving. The security guard raised the alarm and the neighbours were alerted and they arrested the boy.”
On entering the building, the discovered that the girl was dead.
“The picture of the girl’s corpse shows that the girl was naked and defecated on the floor.”
It is not known with certainty how many people in Africa are affected by OCA, which stands for ‘Oculocutaneous albinism’ (see below). It maybe a quarter of a million, it may be more. What we do know is the plight of persons with albinism. The lack of melanin which brings this condition with it, results in unhealthy effects of ultraviolet radiation exposure. Moreover, widespread superstition causes many wicked people to believe that albino body parts bring wealth and/or power. As a result, persons with albinism are chased, kidnapped, murdered.
The article below contains many examples of these gruesome practices which occur in many African countries. The author, Edmund Zar-Zar Bargblor of the Liberian newspaper, The Daily Observer , is to be commend for drawing attention to these outdated and cruel practices which constitute a serious violation of the human rights of people with albinism and have no place in a modern society.
Warning: the following article contains graphic details of cruel ritualistic activities (webmaster FVDK).
Some of the protestors with various placards that called on the Liberian Government among other things, increase their budgetary support (Courtesy of Daily Observer, Liberia).
Africa’s Shameful Acts of Racism: The Plight of Persons with Albinism (PLWA) in Africa
Published: December 2, 2019 By: Edmund Zar-Zar Bargblor, The Daily Observer (Liberia), Webmaster Admin
Racism is the belief that a particular race is superior to another, and that a person’s social and moral traits are predetermined by his or her inborn biological characteristics. On the African Continent, we have seen the impact of colonialism and its attributes of racism and discrimination.
The former Apartheid system in South Africa and its institutionalized racial segregation was an extreme expression of European treatments of Africans. The miserable treatment of people living with Albinism by fellow Africans is not only unfortunate, it is shameful.
The condition known as ‘Oculocutaneous albinism’ (OCA) is a genetically inherited autosomal recessive condition and OCA2, tyrosine-positive albinism, is the most prevalent type found throughout Africa. Due to the lack of melanin, people with albinism are more susceptible to the harmful effects of ultraviolet radiation exposure.
The National Institutes of Health reported that about 200,000 Americans are affected; and around the world, it is between one in 17,000 and one in 20,000 people are people living with albinism. However, it is prevalence in parts of Africa, but it is far higher than the global average. People living with Albinism makeup about one in 4,000 people in South Africa and perhaps one in 5,000 in Nigeria. According to a 2006 review published in the journal BMC Public Health, the prevalence in Tanzania is one in 1,400, but this estimate is based on incomplete data. Since Tanzania’s total population is more than 40 million that would suggest an albinism community of about 30,000. A census is underway, however, and the Albinism Association of Tanzania believes the total figure could be more than 150,000.
People living with Albinism suffered in the hands of fellow Africans
The human rights organization Amnesty International quoted the Malawian police’s description of the gruesome murder of Mr. Machinjiri: “About four men trafficked him to Mozambique and killed him. The men chopped off both his arms and legs and removed his bones. Then they buried the rest of his body in a shallow grave.”
There are superstitions in some parts of Africa that albino body parts bring wealth, power or sexual conquest, and that having sex with a person living with the condition of albinism cures HIV and AIDS. Attackers sell albino body parts to witch doctors for thousands of dollars, according to Amnesty International. In Tanzania, some 75 people living with albinism were reported killed between 2000 and 2016.
Also, there have been reports of people living with albinism killings in South Africa; although such crimes are less common there than in Malawi, Tanzania and Burundi. Last February, a South African court sentenced a traditional healer to life in prison for murdering a 20-year-old woman living with albinism.
The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), the UN agency that deals with human rights issues reported in 2016 that hunters of people living with albinism sell an entire human corpse for up to $75,000, while an arm or a leg could fetch about $2,000”.
In many African countries, it is sad and shameful the atrocious manner in which people living with albinism are treated; their lives are compounded by “exclusion, stigmatization, and denial of basic rights such as the right to education and health,” according to Amnesty International. People living with Albinism continue to experience social isolation and stigma which includes name-calling, mockery, and exclusion from certain community activities.
It is reported in Zambia that at least ten people living with albinism are murdered in ritual killings every year. Some believe their body parts bring wealth or luck. Those born with the genetic condition are calling for an end to this madness. There are more than 25,000 people living with the condition in Zambia.
Madame Janet Kakusa Wonani of Zambia, Founder/President of Light of The World Foundation. She works closely with children with Albinism in Zambia, irrespective of limited financial support.
According to the Albinism Foundation of Zambia (AFZ), Executive Director John Chiti, more than 25,000 persons with albinism in Zambia are currently in need of sunscreen lotion.
In an interview with Africa Renewal, Ms. Ero, said that the albinism situation in Africa, “is a tragedy.” She referred to the 7,000 to 10,000 people living with albinism in Malawi and thousands of others in Tanzania, Mozambique and other countries as “an endangered people”, facing a “risk of extinction if nothing is done.” Tanzanians call people living with albinism zeru,zeru, meaning “ghosts.”
Prevailing Superstitious Mindsets
Superstitious mindsets in some African countries continue to seek murdered for body parts, including infants and babies. Most of the attacks have taken place in Tanzania. Murders and attempted attacks, though in smaller numbers, have also been documented in Burundi, Kenya, Swaziland, Guinea, Nigeria, South Africa, Congo, Zambia, Namibia, Ivory Coast, and Burkina Faso.
The Converson.com conducted research and looked at media reports published between 2008 and 2011 on albinism and murders in Tanzania. It published a data set of 563 media reports in both English and Swahili from Tanzanian national newspapers.
The data showed that the Tanzanian press portrayed and explained violent attacks against persons with albinism in four ways. They were:
criminal activity,
cultural practices,
a socio-economic phenomenon,
a human rights issue.
Ms. Kway-Geer, the first Member of Parliament in Tanzania with albinism described her individual testimonials, first-hand accounts of difficulties as:
“When I was at primary school, people used to laugh at me, tease me – some didn’t even like to touch me, saying that if they touched me they would get this color. People used to abuse me on the road when I took the buses to school. They would run after me – crowds of kids following me – shouting ‘zeru, zeru’. (zeru, zeru, is a derogatory term).
Recommendations
The Conversation.com has identified the following recommendations.
There is an urgent need to address the violence faced by this vulnerable group. Public health awareness is an important first step.
Adequate health services for skin and vision disabilities should be prioritized.
Putting out messages that counter the stigma against people living with Albinism is also important, as is access to education.
Interventions must consider Albinism’ human rights. For example, putting children with albinism in camps may protect their right to life and security,but it restricts their rights to freedom of movement, and family life.
In addition, African Governments should seriously advocate against harmful practices against people living with albinism. State parties should take all appropriate measures and offer support and assistance to victims of harmful practices, including legal sanctions, education, and advocacy campaign to eliminate harmful practices perpetrated on persons with albinism, such as witchcrafts, abandonment concealment, ritual killings, etc.
Conclusion
One thing for sure, the people living with Albinism did not create themselves; they were created in the same way you and I were created by the God who doesn’t make a MISTAKE. Their birth process is the same as you and me! Their mothers’ carried them for nine (9) months in their wombs before giving birth to them.
Who are we – be it an individual or government to decide that they should not live because they are different? Did God ask he needs our HELP to make His decision? The Almighty God does not need the assistance of mortal humans to run his affairs. The actions of those individuals perpetuating violence against persons suffering from albinism are no different than King Leopold II of Belgium, Adolph Hitler of Germany, Napoleon Bonaparte of France, and White racists today.
In Genesis 1:31(NIV): “God saw all that he had made, and it was very good…” God himself said it was Good, NOT bad. God doesn’t create anything UGLY! So, why individuals, including governments, are killing these innocent people? In addition, 1 Thessalonians 5:22 instructs us to “Abstain from all appearance of evil.” Accordingly, the GENOCIDE against these poor innocent people must be STOPPED!
Now, take a closer look at the beautiful tapestry of the people living with Albinism provided here. The question that readily comes to mind is any of you better looking than the people living with Albinism provided in these photos? I DOUBT IT! Therefore, let the persecution and killing of people living with Albinism STOP before the wrath of God descends upon us.
As Africans, it is embarrassing to read or hear that other Africans are discriminated against due to their race. Racism is contrary to God’s plan for humanity. The divisions we face today in contemporary Western nations are due to Race, the color of one’s skin or ethnic background. And obviously, this perception is not part of God’s plan.
The Albinism Society of Kenya held a Mr. and Miss Albinism beauty pageant in Nairobi to support those with the hereditary condition. (https://www.bbc.com/news/in-pictures-46439699).
In the words of Maya Angelou: “We, the black people, the most displaced, the poorest, the most maligned and scourged, we had the glorious task of reclaiming the soul and saving the honor of the country. We, the most hated, must take hate into our hands and by the miracle of love, turn loathing into love. We, the most feared and apprehensive must take the fear and by love, change it into hope. We, who die daily in large and small ways, must take the demon death and turn it into life.”
Indeed, Children living with albinism in Africa are our brothers, sisters, daughters, and sons, let us protect them always, they are all God’s children as well.
The Journal of African History (Volume 41, Issue 2, July 2000, pp. 197-219) contains a very interesting article on a chieftaincy dispute and ritual murder in the British colony of Gold Coast, 1945. I do not present the entire article here for copyright reasons. However, I found it relevant enough to include the abstract of the article here, also as a kind of appetizer. Interested readers are referred to the source.
Also see my September 14, 2019 posting (webmaster FVDK).
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 July 2000, pp. 197-219
Print publication: July 2000
Abstract:
Between 6.30 and 7.00 a.m. on Monday morning, 19 March 1945 the body of a young girl of ten was found on the beach a short distance from the town of Elmina at a popular bathing spot known as Akotobinsin. According to the coroner, she had been dead for between 24 and 48 hours. There was no water in her lungs or stomach which indicated that she had not died by drowning. Instead, her upper and lower lips, both cheeks, both eyes, her private parts and anus, and several elliptical pieces of skin from different parts of her body had been removed. Many of these wounds exposed large blood vessels and the coroner concluded that ‘death was due to shock and hemorrhage’.
She was identified as Ama Krakraba who had been missing since the evening of Saturday, 17 March. Her frantic mother had immediately suspected foul play and had confronted Kweku Ewusie, the Regent of the Edina State, who was later accused of having ‘enticed’ the young girl to the third floor of Bridge House, where he lived, ‘by the ruse of sending her out on an errand to buy tobacco’. There she had been murdered so that her body parts could be used to make ‘medicine’ to help the Regent’s faction win a court case that was critical for their political standing in Elmina.
On the 24 March, after a preliminary investigation, the colony’s attorney-general brought charges of murder against Kweku Ewusie and four others from Elmina: Joe Smith, Herbert Krakue, Nana Appram Esson, alias Joseph Bracton Johnson, and Akodei Mensah. They were tried at the Accra Criminal Assizes from 16 May to 2 June, found guilty of first degree murder and sentenced to be hanged.
The West African Court of Appeal turned down their appeal on 28 June 1945 as did the Privy Council on 14 January 1946. On 1 February 1946, Kweku Ewusie, Joe Smith and Herbert Krakue were hanged at James Fort in Accra, and on 2 February, J. B. Johnson and Akodei Mensah met the same fate.
This report is a follow-up to the 2016 report “We are not animals to be hunted or sold’”: Violence and discrimination against people with albinism” and is based on visits conducted in 2017 as well as follow-up interviews and desktop research.
Published: 2018 By: Amnesty International
End violence against people with albinism in Malawi – Towards effective criminal justice for people with albinism in Malawi
Introduction
Violence against people with albinism in Malawi decreased soon after Amnesty International published its 2016 report “We are not animals to be hunted or sold’”: Violence and discrimination against people with albinism.
However, since the report was published in 2016, there was a resurgence in attacks, with four more people with albinism being killed in Malawi since January 2017. That report recorded 69 cases involving crimes related to people with albinism, comprising 18 cases of people killed, five abducted and missing, between November 2014 and May 2016. In February 2018, a joint report by the Malawi Police Service and the Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs revealed that the number of reported crimes had increased to 148, including 14 cases of murder and seven attempted murders since November 2014 (note 1).
In May and June 2017, an Amnesty International delegation visited Malawi and met with civil society, victims and government officials from the Ministry of Gender, Children, Disability and Social Welfare, Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, the national prosecuting authority, the Chief Justice and other members of the judiciary and the police.
This briefing is a follow-up to the 2016 report and is based on visits conducted in 2017 as well as follow-up interviews and desktop research. The briefing focuses on the current resurgence in attacks against people with albinism, stemming from an atmosphere of prejudice and a lack of understanding of the condition. The problem is exacerbated by inadequate resources to deal with crime, leading to a culture of impunity. The briefing analyses the causes of recurring attacks and the government’s response, and identifies gaps in the criminal justice system.
It also assesses the progress made in Malawi towards the protection of the right to life and security of people with albinism.
Background
The UN noted that from 2000 to 2013 it had received 200 reports of ritual attacks on people with albinism across 15 African countries (note 2). Since November 2014, however, an unprecedented wave of killings and other human rights abuses including abductions and robberies against people with albinism has swept through Malawi. Similar attacks have occurred in neighboring Mozambique. People are targeted for their body parts in the belief that they contain magical powers. The current population of people with albinism in Malawi is estimated at between 7,000 and 10,000, representing a ratio of 1 in every 1800 persons (note 3).
Between June and December 2016, Malawi experienced a seven-month respite from attacks and killings, believed to be because of awareness brought by the launch of the Amnesty report, the public condemnation of the attacks by President Mutharika and other senior government officials. This was broken in January 2017 when Madalitso Pensulo, a teenage boy with albinism, was killed in Mlonda village under the Nsabwe Traditional Authority in Thyolo District. In February 2017, Mercy Zainabu Banda, a 31-year-old woman with albinism was found murdered in Lilongwe with her wrist, right breast and hair removed. Two brothers were stabbed in Nsanje in March 2017, amid several attempted abductions or killings. Cases of verbal insults, threats and robbery of graves containing the remains of persons with albinism have also been recorded. Women and children with albinism are particularly vulnerable to abductions and killings by criminal gangs because they are seen as easy targets. According to the UN, suspected perpetrators operating as gangs or individuals can gain up to US$75,000 for the sale of a full set of body parts (note 4).
Notes:
Note 1: Joint Docket Tracing Exercise Report for Cases of Persons with Albinism in Malawi. This is a Joint report by the Malawi Police Service, Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs. It was funded by the UNDP with technical assistance from UNICEF.
Note 2: www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/RegularSessions/…/A_HRC _24_57_ENG.doc Report on Albinism, UN Office of the High Commission for Human Rights, 2013
Note 3: Amnesty International, ‘We are not animals to be hunted or sold’: Violence and discrimination against people with albinism (Index: AFR 34/4126/2016)